英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲（集锦7篇）由网友“花海花滑王子马嘉祺”投稿提供，下面是小编帮大家整理后的英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲，欢迎阅读，希望大家能够喜欢。
篇1：英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲
英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲
Twenty five years ago I came to Hong Kong as a student.
The year was 1985.
Deng Xiaoping and Margaret Thatcher had recently signed the historic Joint Declaration.
The remarkable story of the successful handover of Hong Kong and the great progress Hong Kong has continued to make is an example to the world of what can be achieved when two countries cooperate in confidence and with mutual respect.
Since then, China has changed almost beyond recognition.
China's National Anthem famously calls on the people of China to stand up Qi lai qi lai (stand up, stand up).
Today the Chinese people are not just standing up in their own country they are standing up in the world.
No longer can people talk about the global economy without including the country that has grown on average ten per cent a year for three decades.
No longer can we talk about trade without the country that is now the world's largest exporter and third largest importer and no longer can we debate energy security or climate change without the country that is one of the world's biggest consumers of energy.
China is on course to reclaim, later this century, its position as the world's biggest economy the position it has held for 18 of the last 20 centuries. And an achievement of which the Chinese people are justly proud.
Put simply: China has re-emerged as a great global power.
Threat or opportunity
Now people can react to this in one of two ways.
They can see China's rise as a threat or they can see it as an opportunity.
They can protect their markets from China or open their markets to China.
They can try and shut China out or welcome China in, to a new place at the top table of global affairs.
There has been a change of Government in Britain and a change of Prime Minister.
But on this vital point there is absolute continuity between my government and the Governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.
We want a strong relationship with China. Strong on trade. Strong on investment. Strong on dialogue.
I made that clear as Leader of the Opposition when I visited Beijing and Chongqing three years ago.
And I repeat it as Prime Minister here in China's capital today.
In the argument about how to react to the rise of China I say it's an opportunity.
I choose engagement not disengagement.
Dialogue not stand-off.
Mutual benefit, not zero-sum game.
Partnership not protectionism.
Britain is the country that argues most passionately for globalisation and free trade.
Free trade is in our DNA.
And we want trade with China. As much of it as we can get.
That's why I have with me on this visit one of the biggest and most high-powered delegations a British Prime Minister has ever led to China.
Just think about some of the prizes that the rise of China could help to bring within our grasp.
Strong, and sustainable growth for the global economy.
Vital progress on the Doha trade round which could add US$170 billion to the global economy.
A real chance to get back on track towards a legally binding deal on emissions.
Unprecedented progress in tackling poverty
China has lifted 500 million people out of poverty in just thirty years.
Although there is still a long way to go - that's more people lifted out of poverty than at any time in human history.
You can see the results right across this enormous country.
When I worked in Hong Kong briefly in 1985, Shenzhen was barely more than a small town, surrounded by paddy fields and waterways.
Today it is a city larger than London. It makes most of the world's iPods and one in ten of its mobile phones.
And there are other benefits too in tackling the world's most intractable problems.
I welcome the fact, for example, that more than 900 Chinese doctors now work in African countries and that in Uganda it is a Chinese pharmaceutical firm that is introducing a new anti-malarial drug.
So I want to make the positive case for the world to see China's rise as an opportunity not a threat.
But China needs to help us to make that argument to demonstrate that as your economy grows, so do our shared interests, and our shared responsibilities.
We share an interest in China's integration into the world economy, which is essential for China's development.
If we are to maintain Europe's openness to China, we must be able to show that China is open to Europe.
So we share an interest in an international system governed by rules and norms.
We share an interest in effective cooperative governance, including for the world economy.
We share an interest in fighting protectionism and in a co-ordinated rebalancing between surplus and deficit countries.
These interests, those responsibilities are both economic and political.
Let me take each in turn.
Economic responsibilities
First, economic responsibilities.
Let's get straight to the point.
The world economy has begun to grow again after the crisis.
But that growth is very uneven.
Led by China, Asia and other emerging markets are growing quickly.
But in much of the advanced world growth is slow and fragile and unemployment stubbornly high.
We should not be surprised at this.
The crisis has damaged many advanced economies and weakened their financial sectors.
They face major structural and fiscal adjustments to rebalance their economies.
This is true of my own country.
We know what steps we need to take to restore the public finances and rebalance our economy towards greater saving and investment and greater exports.
And we have begun to take them.
But for the world economy to be able to grow strongly again - and to grow without creating the dangerous economic and financial instabilities that led to the crisis, we need more than just adjustment in the advanced world.
The truth is that some countries with current account surpluses have been saving too much while others like mine with deficits have been saving too little.
And the result has been a dangerous tidal wave of money going from one side of the globe to the other.
We need a more balanced pattern of global demand and supply, a more balanced pattern of global saving and investment.
Now sometimes when you hear people talk about economic imbalances, it can seem as though countries that are successful at exporting are being blamed for their success.
That's absolutely not the case.
We all share an interest and a responsibility to co-operate to secure strong and balanced global growth.
There is no greater illustration of this than what happened to China as the western banking system collapsed Chinese exports fell 12 per cent growth dropped to its lowest point in more than a decade and some 20 million jobs were lost in the Chinese export sector.
Changes in the structure of our economies will take time.
What is important is that the major economies of the world have a shared vision of the path of this change: what actions countries should avoid; what actions countries need to take and, crucially, over what period it should happen.
This is why the G20 - and the meeting in Seoul - is so important.
Together we can agree a common approach.
We can commit to the necessary actions.
We can agree that we will hold each other to account.
And just as China played a leading role at the G20 in helping to avert a global depression so it can lead now.
I know from my discussions with Premier Wen how committed China is to actions to rebalance its economy.
China is already talking about moving towards increased domestic consumption better healthcare and welfare more consumer goods as its middle class grows and in time introducing greater market flexibility into its exchange rate.
This can not be completed overnight but it must happen.
Let's be clear about the risks if it does not about what is at stake for China and for the UK - countries that depend on an open global economy.
At the worst point of the crisis, we averted protectionism.
But at a time of slow growth and high unemployment in many countries those pressures will rise again already you can see them.
Countries will increasingly be tempted to try to maximise their own growth and their own employment, at the expense of others.
Globalisation - the force that has been so powerful in driving development and bringing huge numbers into the world economy could go into reverse.
If we follow that path we will all lose out.
The West would lose for sure. But so too would China.
For the last two decades, trade has been a very positive factor in China's re-emergence on the world stage.
It has driven amazing growth and raised the living standards of millions.
Trade has helped stitch back China's network of relations with countries across the world.
We need to make sure that it does not turn into a negative factor.
Just as the West wants greater access to Chinese markets so China wants greater access to Western markets and it wants market economy status in the EU too.
I had very constructive talks with Premier Wen on exactly this issue yesterday.
I will make the case for China to get market economy status in the EU but China needs to help, by showing that it is committed to becoming more open, as it becomes more prosperous.
And we need to work together to do more to protect intellectual property rights because this will give more businesses confidence to come and invest in China.
UK companies are uniquely placed to support China's demand for more high value goods for its consumers.
Our Pavilion at the World Expo in Shanghai - which won the Gold Award for the best Pavilion design - was a showcase for so many of Britain's strengths from advanced engineering to education from great brands to great pharmaceutical businesses from low carbon to financial services to the creative industries.
In all these areas and many more, British companies and British exports can help China deliver the prosperity and progress it seeks.
We can be part of China's development strategy, just as China is part of ours.
A true partnership of growth.
In recent days, Britain has won new business worth billions of pounds involving companies across the UK and cities all over China. including a deal between Rolls Royce and China Eastern Airlines for 16 Airbus 330 aeroengines worth ￡750 million and inward investments worth in excess of ￡300 million
This is all in addition to at least ￡3bn of business which British companies have secured as part of the Airbus contract concluded with China last week and a further ￡2 billion of investments by Tesco to develop new shopping malls over the next five years.
And with nearly 50 of Britain's most influential culture, education and business leaders joining me on this visit I hope these deals can be just the beginning of a whole new era of bilateral trade between our countries.
Achieving this would be a real win-win for our two countries.
So if China is prepared to pursue further opening of its markets and to work with Britain and the other G20 countries to rebalance the world economy and take steps over time towards internationalising its currency that will go a long way towards helping the global economy lock in the stability it needs for strong and sustainable growth.
And just as importantly, it will go a long way in securing confidence in the global community that China as an economic power is a force for good.
Political responsibilities
But China does not just have new economic power.
It has new political power.
And that brings new political responsibilities too.
What China says - and what China does - really matters.
There is barely a global issue that needs resolution, which does not beg the questions: what does China think, and how can China contribute to a solution?
China has attempted to avoid entanglement in global affairs in the past. But China's size and global reach means that this is no longer a realistic choice.
Whether its climate change or development, health and education or global security, China is too big and too important now not to play its part.
On climate change, an international deal has to be fair.
And that means that countries with different histories can't all be expected to contribute in exactly the same way.
But a fair deal also means that all countries contribute and all are part of an agreement.
And there's actually a huge opportunity here for China.
Because China can really profit from having some of the most efficient green energy in the world.
On international security, great powers have a bigger interest than anyone in preserving stability.
Take development for example, China is one of the fastest growing investors in Africa with a vital influence over whether Africa can become a new source of growth for the world economy.
We want to work together to ensure that the money we spend in Africa is not supporting corrupt and intolerant regimes.
And the meeting of the UN Security Council which the British Foreign Secretary will chair later this month provides a good opportunity to step up our co-operation on Sudan.
As China's star rises again in the world, so does its stake in a stable and ordered world, in which trade flows freely.
Today, China is the world's second biggest importer of oil, and Sudan is one of your most important suppliers.
So China has a direct national interest in working for stability in Sudan.
And four fifths of your oil imports pass through the Malacca Straits.
So like Britain and the other big trading nations, you depend on open sea lanes.
And like us, your stability and prosperity depends in part on the stability and prosperity of others.
Whether its nuclear proliferation, a global economic crisis or the rise of international terrorism, today's threats to our security do not respect geographical boundaries.
The proliferation of nuclear material endangers lives in Nanjing as well as New York.
China is playing an active role in helping to prevent conflagration over North Korea.
We have been working with China in the UN Security Council to keep up the pressure on Iran and China's continuing role here is vital if we are to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.
In your own region, I believe China can work with us to improve the situation for the Burmese people.
And China is one of the few countries that Burma will listen to on this point.
But political responsibilities are not just about how one country interacts with another those responsibilities also apply to the way a country empowers its own people.
Political perspectives
It is undeniable that greater economic freedom has contributed to China's growing economic strength.
As China's economy generates higher living standards and more choice for Chinese people, there is inevitably debate within China about the relationship between greater economic freedom and greater political freedom.
I recognise that we approach these issues with different perspectives. I understand too that being in government is a huge challenge.
I'm finding that running a country of 60 million people.
So I can only begin to imagine what it is like leading a country of 1.3 billion.
I realise this presents challenges of a different order of magnitude.
When I came here last I was Britain's Leader of the Opposition.
Now we've had a General Election.
It produced a Coalition Government, which combines two different political parties - the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats - with different histories and political philosophies, working together for the good of our country.
The Labour Party is now the official Opposition, with a constitutional duty to hold the new Government publicly to account.
Indeed if I were not in Beijing this Wednesday afternoon, I would be preparing for my weekly session of Prime Minister's questions in the House of Commons, where MPs question me freely about the whole range of government policy.
All the time the government is subject to the rule of law.
These are constraints on the government, and at times they can be frustrating when the Courts take a view with which the government differs but ultimately we believe that they make our government better and our country stronger.
Through the media, the public get to hear directly from people who hold different views from the government.
That can be difficult at times, too.
But we believe that the better informed the British public is about the issues affecting our society the easier it is, ultimately, for the British government to come to sensible decisions and to develop robust policies that command the confidence of our people.
I make these observations not because I believe that we have some moral superiority.
Our own society is not perfect.
There is still injustice which we must work hard to tackle.
We are far from immune from poverty and the ills that afflict every nation on earth.
But in arguing for a strong relationship between our countries, I want a relationship in which we can be open with each other, in which we can have constructive dialogue of give and take in a spirit of tolerance and mutual respect.
The rise in economic freedom in China in recent years has been hugely beneficial to China and to the world.
I hope that in time this will lead to a greater political opening because I am convinced that the best guarantor of prosperity and stability is for economic and political progress to go in step together.
In some respects it already has.
Ordinary Chinese people today have more freedom over where they live what job they do and where they travel than ever before.
People blog and text more.
It's right to recognise this progress.
But it's right also that Britain should be open with China on issues where, no doubt partly because of our different history and culture, we continue to take a different view.
There is no secret that we disagree on some issues, especially around human rights.
We don't raise these issues to make to us look good, or to flaunt publicly that we have done so.
We raise them because the British people expect us to, and because we have sincere and deeply held concerns.
And I am pleased that we have agreed the next human rights dialogue between our two governments for January.
Because in the end, being able to talk through these issues - however difficult - makes our relationship stronger.
Conclusion
So let me finish where I began.
China's success - and continued success - is good for Britain and good for the world.
It's not in our national interests for China to stumble or for the Chinese economy to suffer a reverse.
We have to make the case and I hope China will help us make the case that as China gets richer, it does not follow that the rest of the world will get poorer.
It is simply not true that as China rises again in the world, others must necessarily decline.
Globalisation is not a zero sum game.
If we manage things properly, if we win the arguments for free trade, if we find a way to better regulation, we can both grow together.
But if we don't, we will both suffer.
I referred earlier to Britain's Pavilion at the Shanghai Expo, “the Dandelion”
We are extremely proud that it won a coveted prize, and that it proved so popular with Chinese visitors.
It is, in its way, a symbol of the strength and the potential in our relationship.
Two different countries, past and future Olympic hosts, on far sides of the world, sowing the seeds of a flourishing relationship in the future, a relationship which has the potential to grow and to bloom.
Proof, perhaps, that Confucius was right when he said “within the four seas all men are brothers”
Yes, there we will be storms to weather.
Yes, there will be perils to overcome.
Yes, we will have to persevere.
But it will be worth it - for Britain, for China and for the world.
篇2：北京大学开学演讲
亲爱的同学们：
大家上午好!
时值九月,燕园初识。
首先，请允许我代表全校教职员工，向各位新同学，表示最热烈的欢迎!向培养你们，伴随你们一路走过的父母、老师和同学、朋友们表示最诚挚的问候和衷心的感谢!
在祝贺同学们高考取得优异成绩的同时，我也向你们致以最美好的祝愿!祝愿你们在未来的大学生活中取得更大的进步，开启人生更加绚烂美好的新旅程!
同学们，最近这段时间，我在北大未名bbs上看见不少新同学在自己的院版上发各种各样的“报到帖”，询问在北大学习、生活的情况。
从这些帖子中我能真切地感受到，大家迫切渴望及早融入北大的心情。
我知道，其实同学们在接到北大录取通知书时，就已经在预习北大的生活。
对北大，从朦胧的憧憬，到成真的梦想，再到今天真实的感受，我不知道这“北大”是不是就是你们梦中的“北大”，心中的“北大”!
看过校园的湖光塔影、略过浩如烟海的典籍，站在学术名师的身旁，再去细细体味北大百余年的历史传统和精神特质……大学生活，从此开始了。
此时此刻，我想你们都已经做好了充分的准备!前几天，我在报纸上看到今年医学部一位新生写的文章，他写到“站在通向大学生活的大门外，我有些茫茫然不知所措。
”当被爸爸妈妈“裹挟着”来到校园，他问自己：“我已经站在目标的中心了，我还能去哪儿?”但偶尔听到两位学长关于学习、考试的对话后，他感受到：“高考并不是结束，而是另一段征程的开始。
”他明白：选择北大，“尽管有太多的人说我不明智，太多的人说会很辛苦，太多的人说永远就不会有好日子过。
但是，既然我如此选择，就不会放弃。
在这段旅途中，我会努力成为一个好大夫，努力将医生的责任熔铸进血液中。”
同学们，这位同学现在就应该坐在你们当中，我想大家都和他经过同样的心路历程吧。
让我们为他，也为自己一起鼓鼓掌吧!
同学们，来到北大，这是你们长期努力的结果，可以说是你们人生中收获的一个“成功”!但是，过好大学生活，同样容不得你们一丝的松懈。
我不希望有同学在大学中迷失自己，我更不希望看到曾是骄子的你们，因为自己的不努力而掉队!大家身处一个美好的时代，享有北大优秀的教学资源，希望同学们珍惜好、利用好。
我希望大家成为不懈追求新知的探索者。
追求新知、发明新理，以知识和文明引领社会的进步与发展，永远是北京大学孜孜不懈的理想追求，也永远是一代代北大人恪守的光荣传统。
我们的老校长严复先生曾说，大学要“保存一切高尚之学术，以崇国家之文化”;李大钊先生曾高呼，“只有学术上的发展，值得作大学的纪念。
只有学术上的建树，值得‘北京大学万万岁’的欢呼!”对于本科生而言，我希望大家能从高中阶段的“学会”转变到大学阶段的“会学”，倍加珍惜学校为你们提供的优质资源，充分体悟北大的学术精神，养成善于观察、勇于探索、敢于创新的学术品格，为将来的学术深造打好基础。
研究生则更要义不容辞地担负起科学研究的重任。
你们要努力锻造探究高深学问的知识基础和素质能力，要始终保有强烈的求知欲、敏锐的洞察力和宝贵的批判精神，不迷信书本、不盲从权威，以扎扎实实的“笨功夫”，不断积累、丰富和创新，在取得自己学业进步的同时，也为北京大学的学术繁荣和人类社会的学术发展作出贡献。
关于如何在大学阶段做学问、做研究，我还想讲讲蔡元培校长的格言。
蔡元培先生当年总结了古今中外许多学术大家的共同经历，提出了“闳约深美”的学术境界。
19，蔡元培先生手书“闳约深美”四个字，送给了上海美术专门学校。
时任上海美专校长的著名绘画大师刘海粟先生非常赞同其中所包含的学术精神，将其作为办学思想的核心，并对“闳约深美”作了一番解释：“‘闳’就是知识要广阔;‘约’就是在博采的基础上加以慎重的选择，吸收对自己有用的东西，人生有限、知识无穷，不能把摊子铺得太大，以便学有专长;‘深’就是钻研精神，要入虎穴，得虎子，百折不回;‘美’就是最后达到完美之境”。
同学们，今天我借用蔡元培校长提出的这四个字，就是希望大家既要融会贯通各个知识领域的内容，又要选择自己最感兴趣也最为擅长的一两个方面进行探索;既要穷本及源地探求新知，又要充分享受学术的乐趣。
只有这样，才能将兴趣转化为求学路上的不竭动力，激励我们不断创新。
我还希望大家成长为先进文化的践行者和推动者。
大家这几天可能都看到了，我们的校园目前有许多楼宇在建。
硬件设施的不断完善，是北大建设发展的重要方面，也与同学们的切身利益息息相关。
但是，在物质条件不断改善的同时，我更希望我们北大的学生关心、关注精神文化层面的丰富与充实。
我希望同学们首先成为校园文化的建设者。
来到北大，你们就是校园的主人。
北大的优秀传统和精神特质会影响着你，塑造着你，但同时也要在你们的身上继续发扬;北大的`学术品格和学风校风，要在你们的身上得到最充分的展现;北大校园文化生活的舞台要由你们去无限的丰富;北大的对外交流和影响也离不开你们的贡献。
你们就代表着北大，希望你们无愧于“北大”这个称号!我还希望同学们能够成为文明生活的践行者。
东汉有一少年名叫陈蕃，独居一室而龌龊不堪。
其父之友薛勤批评他。
他回答说：“大丈夫处世，当扫除天下，安事一屋?”薛勤当即反驳道：“一屋不扫，何以扫天下?”我希望同学们有“扫天下”的气概和抱负，我同时也希望大家从一屋始，养成个人良好的生活习惯。
《礼记?学记》中有一句话“独学而无友，则孤陋而寡闻。”同学们之间要建立起良好的同学关系。
要由己及人，仁爱待人。
生活中“勿以恶小而为之，勿以善小而不为。”同学们要注重思想的修养、道德的提升和法律的意识。
我们看到学术不端、品性不良，看到社会的违法或是不道德行为，我们应通过自己的努力，如果不能作为一个改造者，至少不能成为一个参与者。
当然，我更希望我们的同学还是要努力成为先进文化的引领者。
希望大家用先进的思想文化武装自己，用全球开放的视野拓展自己，用高尚的道德情操塑造自己，通过自己的努力，为人类文明、社会进步做出北大人应有的贡献!
最后，我要特别强调的是，希望大家成为心系祖国苍生的担当者。
一百多来年，北大对民族解放、国家发展、文化繁荣和社会进步发挥着不可替代的推动作用。
在北京大学110多年的发展历史上，涌现出大批卓越的思想家、理论家、科学家、教育家和革命家。
这里有李大钊、陈独秀、毛泽东等老一辈革命家工作过的足迹，曾是冯友兰、陈岱孙、翦伯赞、王力等著名人文学者和李四光、黄昆、王选等著名科学家多年工作的地方;这里有邓稼先、郭永怀、周光召、彭桓武、于敏、朱光亚等“两弹一星”元勋们奋斗过的身影，更有一大批正在为祖国的教育和科研事业不懈努力的优秀学者。
这些先贤与师长以实际行动告诉我们：只有将自己的才智、才情与才华，同祖国和人民的事业紧密结合起来，学术才有意义，人生才有意义，才能真正配得起“北大人”的光荣称号。
我希望同学们都好好读读北大的校史，认真体悟北京大学“爱国、进步、民主、科学”的精神传统，并将北大人长久以来对于使命的担当牢记心头，成为此后流淌于你们血脉之中永远不变的品格;当你们面临人生选择、经历困苦挫折之时，都始终铭记自己肩头的责任，书写一段无愧、无悔、无怨的人生。
希望同学们始终抱有强烈的社会责任感和历史使命感，将追求科学真理与服务国家民族相结合，秉承中国知识分子“先天下之忧而忧”的崇高情怀，牢记xx“向实践学习、向人民群众学习”的教诲，真正把自己锻造成为国家社会的栋梁之才。
同学们，你们中的一些人，在过去的四年或更长的时间里就已经求学北大，早已熟悉这个园子里的一草一木;而更多的同学，则是经历了高考、考研和考博的艰辛历程，终于在今天成为了北大的新主人。
无论是“初入燕园”还是“曾经北大”，看着你们意气风发的样子，我都能感受到一种强烈的青春气息。
二十多天前，深圳世界大学生运动会上，全球各国大学生朝气蓬勃的面孔让我印象深刻;今天在这里，我更感受到与当时同样强烈的青春气息。
我知道，这是属于青年人独有的精神气质，是一种充满朝气、充满希望、能够改变世界和创造历史的澎湃力量!
“从这里开始,不一样的精彩。”同学们，请珍惜你们这最美好的大学时光,尽最大努力,去创造你们下一个崭新的辉煌!
祝福大家!
谢谢大家!
篇3：北京大学开学演讲
可以说，北大是改变了我一生的地方，是提升了我自己的地方，使我从一个农村孩子最后走向了世界的地方。
毫不夸张地说，没有北大，肯定就没有我的今天。
北大给我留下了一连串美好的回忆，大概也留下了一连串的痛苦。
正是在美好和痛苦中间，在挫折、挣扎和进步中间，最后找到了自我，开始为自己、为家庭、为社会能做一点事情。
学生生活是非常美好的，有很多美好的回忆。
我还记得我们班有一个男生，每天都在女生的宿舍楼下拉小提琴，(笑声)希望能够引起女生的注意，结果后来被女生扔了水瓶子。
我还记得我自己为了吸引女生的注意，每到寒假和暑假都帮着女生扛包。
(笑声、掌声)后来我发现那个女生有男朋友，(笑声)我就问她为什么还要让我扛包，她说为了让男朋友休息一下(笑声、掌声)。
我也记得刚进北大的时候我不会讲普通话，全班同学第一次开班会的时候互相介绍，我站起来自我介绍了一番，结果我们的班长站起来跟我说：“俞敏洪你能不能不讲日语?”(笑声)我后来用了整整一年时间，拿着收音机在北大的树林中模仿广播台的播音，但是到今天普通话还依然讲得不好。
人的进步可能是一辈子的事情。
在北大是我们生活的一个开始，而不是结束。
有很多事情特别让人感动。
比如说，我们很有幸见过朱光潜教授。
在他最后的日子里，是我们班的同学每天轮流推着轮椅在北大里陪他一起散步。
(掌声)每当我推着轮椅的时候，我心中就充满了对朱光潜教授的崇拜，一种神圣感油然而生。
所以，我在大学看书最多的领域是美学。
因为他写了一本《西方美学史》，是我进大学以后读的第二本书。
为什么是第二本呢?因为第一本是这样来的，我进北大以后走进宿舍，我有个同学已经在宿舍。
那个同学躺在床上看一本书，叫做《第三帝国的兴亡》。
所以我就问了他一句话，我说：“在大学还要读这种书吗?”他把书从眼睛上拿开，看了我一眼，没理我，继续读他的书。
这一眼一直留在我心中。
我知道进了北大不仅仅是来学专业的，要读大量大量的书。
你才能够有资格把自己叫做北大的学生。
(掌声)所以我在北大读的第一本书就是《第三帝国的兴亡》，而且读了三遍。
后来我就去找这个同学，我说：“咱们聊聊《第三帝国的兴亡》”，他说：“我已经忘了。”(笑声)
我也记得我的导师李赋宁教授，原来是北大英语系的主任，他给我们上《新概念英语》第四册的时候，每次都把板书写得非常的完整，非常的美丽。
永远都是从黑板的左上角写起，等到下课铃响起的时候，刚好写到右下角结束。
(掌声)我还记得我的英国文学史的老师罗经国教授，我在北大最后一年由于心情不好，导致考试不及格。
我找到罗教授说：“这门课如果我不及格就毕不了业。”，罗教授说：“我可以给你一个及格的分数，但是请你记住了，未来你一定要做出值得我给你分数的事业。”(掌声)所以，北大老师的宽容、学识、奔放、自由，让我们真正能够成为北大的学生，真正能够得到北大的精神。
当我听说许智宏校长对学生唱《隐形的翅膀》的时候，我打开视频，感动得热泪盈眶。
因为我觉得北大的校长就应该是这样的。
(掌声)
我记得自己在北大的时候有很多的苦闷。
一是普通话不好，第二英语水平一塌糊涂。
尽管我高考经过三年的努力考到了北大——因为我落榜了两次，最后一次很意外地考进了北大。
我从来没有想过北大是我能够上学的地方，她是我心中一块圣地，觉得永远够不着。
但是那一年，第三年考试时我的高考分数超过了北大录取分数线七分，我终于下定决心咬牙切齿填了“北京大学”四个字。
我知道一定会有很多人比我分数高，我认为自己是不会被录取的。
没想到北大的招生老师非常富有眼光，料到了三十年后我的今天。
(掌声)但是实际上我的英语水平很差，在农村既不会听也不会说，只会背语法和单词。
我们班分班的时候，五十个同学分成三个班，因为我的英语考试分数不错，就被分到了a班，但是一个月以后，我就被调到了c班。
c班叫做“语音语调及听力障碍班”。
(笑声)
我也记得自己进北大以前连《红楼梦》都没有读过，所以看到同学们一本一本书在读，我拼命地追赶。
结果我在大学差不多读了八百多本书，用了五年时间(掌声)。
但是依然没有赶超上我那些同学。
我记得我的班长王强是一个书癖，现在他也在新东方，是新东方教育研究院的院长。
他每次买书我就跟着他去，当时北大给我们每个月发二十多块钱生活费，王强有个癖好就是把生活费一分为二，一半用来买书，一半用来买饭菜票。
买书的钱绝不动用来买饭票。
如果他没有饭菜票了就到处借，借不到就到处偷。
(笑声)后来我发现他这个习惯很好，我也把我的生活费一份为二，一半用来买书，一半用来买饭菜票，饭票吃完了我就偷他的。
(笑声掌声)
毫不夸张地说，我们班的同学当时在北大，真是属于读书最多的班之一。
而且我们班当时非常地活跃，光诗人就出了好几个。
后来挺有名的一个诗人叫西川，真名叫刘军，就是我们班的。
(掌声)我还记得我们班开风气之先，当时是北大的优秀集体，但是有一个晚上大家玩得高兴了，结果跳起了贴面舞，第二个礼拜被教育部通报批评了。
那个时候跳舞是必须跳得很正规的，男女生稍微靠近一点就认为违反风纪。
所以你们现在比我们当初要更加幸福一点。
不光可以跳舞，而且可以手拉手地在校园里面走，我们如果当时男女生手拉手在校园里面走，一定会被扔到未名湖里，所以一般都是晚上十二点以后再在校园里面走。
(笑声掌声)
我也记得我们班五十个同学，刚好是二十五个男生二十五个女生，我听到这个比例以后当时就非常的兴奋(笑声)，我觉得大家就应该是一个配一个。
没想到女生们都看上了那些外表英俊潇洒、风流倜傥的男生。
像我这样外表不怎么样，内心充满丰富感情、未来有巨大发展潜力的，女生一般都看不上。
(笑声掌声)
我记得我奋斗了整整两年希望能在成绩上赶上我的同学，但是就像刚才吕植老师说的，你尽管在中学高考可能考得很好，是第一名，但是北大精英人才太多了，你的前后左右可能都是智商极高的同学，也是各个省的状元或者说第二名。
所以，在北大追赶同学是一个非常艰苦的过程，尽管我每天几乎都要比别的同学多学一两个小时，但是到了大学二年级结束的时候我的成绩依然排在班内最后几名。
非常勤奋又非常郁闷，也没有女生来爱我安慰我。
(笑声)这导致的结果是，我在大学三年级的时候得了一场重病，这个病叫做传染性侵润肺结核。
当时我就晕了，因为当时我正在读《红楼梦》，正好读到林黛玉因为肺结核吐血而亡的那一章，(笑声)我还以为我的生命从此结束，后来北大医院的医生告诉我现在这种病能够治好，但是需要在医院里住一年。
我在医院里住了一年，苦闷了一年，读了很多书，也写了六百多首诗歌，可惜一首诗歌都没有出版过。
从此以后我就跟写诗结上了缘，但是我这个人有丰富的情感，但是没有优美的文笔，所以终于没有成为诗人。
后来我感到非常的庆幸，因为我发现真正成为诗人的人后来都出事了。
我们跟当时还不太出名的诗人海子在一起写过诗。
后来他写过一首优美的诗歌，叫做《面朝大海，春暖花开》，我们每一个同学大概都能背。
后来当我听说他卧轨自杀的时候，嚎啕大哭了整整一天。
从此以后，我放下笔，再也不写诗了。
(掌声)
篇4：英国首相梅姨演讲感言全文
Mr President, Deputy Secretary-General, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is a great honour for me to address this General Assembly for the first time and to do so as Prime Minister of a country that has always been a proud and pro-active member at the very heart of this United Nations.
This United Nations was formed because leaders across the world knew that they could only deliver security for their citizens at home if they could cooperate, as a community of nations, to deliver security across the globe.
Some of the threats that we face together today are familiar to those founding leaders: war, political instability, abuses of human rights and poverty.
Others are new: global terrorism, climate change, and unprecedented mass movements of people.
We gather here today because we know that such challenges do not respect the borders of our individual nations and that only by working together shall we overcome them.
As a new Prime Minister to the United Kingdom my pledge to this United Nations is simple: the UK will be a confident, strong and dependable partner internationally C true to the universal values that we share together.
We will continue to honour our commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of our Gross National Income on development, building on the achievements we have already made to reduce poverty, deal with instability and increase prosperity the world over. And we will drive forward the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals.
We will continue to champion the rights of women and girls, making sure that all girls get the education they deserve, and tackling horrific abuses such as female genital mutilation and the use of sexual violence in conflict.
We will continue to be a steadfast, permanent member of the Security Council, meeting our NATO commitment to spend 2 per cent of GDP on defence and making a leading contribution to UN peacekeeping efforts, where we have doubled our commitment, including new deployments to Somalia and South Sudan.
We will continue to stand up for the rules based international system and for international law, and I join other leaders in condemning the outrageous bombing of the aid convoy in Syria yesterday.
We will continue to play our part in the international effort against climate change. And in a demonstration of our commitment to the agreement reached in Paris, the UK will start its domestic procedures to enable ratification of the Paris agreement, and complete these before the end of the year.
And we will continue to strengthen our existing partnerships, from this United Nations, to the Commonwealth and NATO, seeking to resolve conflict in countries across the world - from Colombia and Cyprus to Somalia and Yemen.
But we must never forget that we stand here, at this United Nations, as servants of the men and women that we represent back at home.
And as we do so, we must recognise that for too many of these men and women the increasing pace of globalisation has left them feeling left behind.
The challenge for those of us in this room is to ensure that our governments and our global institutions, such as this United Nations, remain responsive to the people that we serve. That we are capable of adapting our institutions to the demands of the 21st century and ensuring that they do not become irrelevant.
So when it comes to the big security and human rights challenges of our time, we need this C our United Nations - to forge a bold new multilateralism.
Because as we have seen even in the past week, no country is untouched by the threat of global terrorism. And when extremists anywhere in the world can transmit their poisonous ideologies directly into the bedrooms of people vulnerable to radicalisation, we need not just to work together to prevent conflict and instability in nation states but to act globally to disrupt the networks terrorist groups use to finance their operations and recruit to their ranks.
When we see the mass displacement of people, at a scale unprecedented in recent history, we must ensure we are implementing the policies that are fit for the challenges we face today.
And when criminal gangs do not respect our national borders C trafficking our fellow citizens into lives of slavery and servitude C we cannot let those borders act as a barrier to bringing such criminals to justice.
In each of these areas, it is the convening power of our United Nations that gives us a unique opportunity to respond. But we can only do so if we modernise and adapt to meet the challenges of the 21stcentury.
As a United Nations we have shown how we can work together to reduce the threat from international terrorism by preventing conflict and instability from developing.
For example, through our Permanent Membership of the Security Council, Britain has played a leading role in the fight against Al Shabaab in Somalia. Since , with huge support from across the region, and critically the commitment of Somalis themselves, Al Shabaab has been driven from all the major cities it used to control.
It is vital that as an international community we continue to support countries in the region that are contributing thousands of troops, and that we continue to build the capacity of Somali security forces. That is why the UK is now going to increase further our security support and we will be calling on others to do the same, hosting an international conference on Somalia in to maintain this vital momentum.
Missions like this must remain central to the work of this United Nations, but on their own they are not enough.
Because the terrorist threats we face today do not come from one country but exist in a different space. The global networks they exploit require a different kind of global response.
These organisations are using our own modern banking networks against us. So we need to look at our regulations, our information sharing and using our technological capabilities to get ahead of them.
They are targeting our airlines, exploiting the fact that no one country can keep its citizens safe when they are flying between multiple jurisdictions.
That is why this week the United Nations will vote on a UK led resolution on aviation security to ensure that every country implements the standards we need to ensure that no country is the weak link.
They are exploiting the internet and social media to spread an ideology that is recruiting people to their cause all over the world. So we need to tackle this ideology head-on.
That is why the UK has championed the work that the Secretary General has led to develop a strategy for Preventing Violent Extremism. Now, as an international community, we must work together to adopt and implement the most comprehensive national action plans to tackle both the causes and the symptoms of all extremism.
It is not enough merely to focus on violent extremism. We need to address the whole spectrum of extremism - violent extremism and non-violent extremism; Islamist and neo-Nazi C hate and fear in all their forms.
Just as we need the United Nations to modernise to meet the challenges of terrorism in the 21st century, so we also need to adapt if we are to fashion a truly global response to the mass movements of people across the world and the implications this brings for security and human rights.
The 1951 convention and the 1967 protocol must remain the bedrock of our response, but the context in which they must be applied has dramatically changed.
Across the world today, there are 65 million people who have been forcibly displaced. That it is equivalent to the entire population of the United Kingdom.
It is an unprecedented figure, one that has almost doubled in a decade. And yet UN appeals are underfunded; host countries are not getting enough support; and refugees are not getting the aid, education and economic opportunities they need.
We must do more. And as the second largest bi-lateral provider of assistance, the UK remains fully committed to playing a leading role.
In the last 5 years the UK has invested over $9 billion in humanitarian assistance, saving millions of lives every year.
The London Syria Conference in February raised $12 billion in pledges, the largest amount ever raised in one day in response to a humanitarian crisis.
And that money is being used to combine both urgent humanitarian assistance and vital economic development, benefitting both refugees and the communities and countries hosting them.
Clearly we need to continue our efforts to bring an end to the conflict and the appalling slaughter in Syria and to get aid through to those who need it.
And while these efforts continue inside Syria, we also agreed new efforts to support refugees and host communities in neighbouring countries, including through education and opportunities to work. This is being assisted by loans from international financial institutions and access to European markets. And through our trading relationships and direct engagement with businesses we are mobilising the private sector to create new jobs in the region for everyone.
And while there is more to be done, it is this approach to financing both humanitarian support and economic development that I will be championing when I announce a further UK financial contribution at President Obama’s Refugee Summit later today.
But in addition to refugees and displaced people fleeing conflict and persecution, we are also seeing an unprecedented movement of people in search of greater economic opportunities through the same unmanaged channels.
This affects all of us, and it is the responsibility of us all to take action. We cannot ignore this challenge, or allow it to continue unmanaged. We need to do better. Better for the countries people leave, for the countries they move through, for the countries they try to get to C and most of all, better for the migrants and refugees themselves.
Despite the huge increase in international efforts, more migrants have died attempting hazardous journeys across borders this year than any other. I believe we have to use the opportunity afforded by this General Assembly for an honest global debate to address this global challenge.
In doing so, we should be clear that there is nothing wrong with the desire to migrate for a better life. And also that controlled, legal, safe, economic migration brings benefits to our economies.
But countries have to be able to exercise control over their borders. The failure to do so erodes public confidence, fuels international crime, damages economies and reduces the resources for those who genuinely need protection and whose rights under the Refugee Convention should always be fulfilled.
I believe there are three fundamental principles that we now need to establish at the heart of a new approach to managing migration that is in the interests of all those involved.
First, we must help ensure that refugees claim asylum in the first safe country they reach. The current trend of onward movements, where refugees reach a safe country but then press on with their journey, can only benefit criminal gangs and expose refugees to grave danger.
So we must all do more to support countries where the refugees first arrive - to provide the necessary protection and assistance for refugees safely and swiftly, and to help countries adapt to the huge economic impact that refugees can have C including on their existing population.
As we are seeing in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey, when the right assistance is provided, solutions that provide sanctuary and opportunity to refugees, and opportunities for those hosting them, can be found.
This is also good for the refugees and the countries they come from C because the closer they stay to home, the easier it will be for them to return and rebuild after the conflict.
Second, we need to improve the ways we distinguish between refugees fleeing persecution and economic migrants. I believe we must ensure the existing convention and protocol are properly applied to provide protection to refugees and reduce the incentives for economic migrants to use illegal routes. This in turn will help us target support for those refugees who need it most and retain the support of our populations for doing so.
Third, we need a better overall approach to managing economic migration which recognises that all countries have the right to control their borders - and that we must all commit to accepting the return of our own nationals when they have no right to remain elsewhere.
By ensuring a managed and controlled international migration response - and at the same time investing to tackle the underlying drivers of displacement and migration at source - we can reject isolationism and xenophobia, achieving better outcomes for all of our citizens C and particularly for the most vulnerable.
Finally, as we gather here today to bring the founding values of the United Nations to bear on some of the most pressing global problems, the likes of which we haven’t seen before, so we must also face up to the fact that some of the worst human rights abuses that we thought we had confined to the history books have re-emerged in new pernicious forms.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaimed by the General Assembly stated that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, that no one shall be held in slavery or servitude and that slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.
Yet nearly seventy years on, we are presented with a new form of slavery: modern slavery.
Organised crime groups, who are largely behind this modern slavery, lure, dupe and force innocent men, women and children into extreme forms of exploitation.
Trafficked and sold across borders; victims are forced into living the kind of inhumane existence that is almost too much for our imagination.
These criminals have global networks to help them make money out of some of the world’s most vulnerable people. Victims are held captive in squalid conditions under the constant shadow of violence and forced into sex and labour exploitation.
If we are going to succeed in stamping out this abhorrent crime and bring the perpetrators to justice, we need to confront the reality of what we are dealing with.
These organised crime groups work across borders and jurisdictions. And they often use the internet and modern technology to recruit, transport, control and exploit their victims, all the while staying ahead of legal systems that are often constrained by traditional geographical boundaries.
So we must take action.
We must use our international law enforcement networks to track these criminals down, wherever they are in the world, and put them behind bars where they belong.
We need to be smarter and even more co-ordinated than the criminal gangs in our efforts to stop them.
In the UK, I am setting up the first ever government taskforce for modern slavery, bringing together every relevant department to co-ordinate and drive all our efforts in the battle against this cruel exploitation.
We are also using our aid budget to create a dedicated fund focused on high risk countries where we know victims are regularly trafficked to the UK.
And yesterday, I committed the first 5 million from this fund to work in Nigeria to reduce the vulnerability of potential victims and step up the fight against those who seek to profit from this crime.
But if we are to meet the Sustainable Development Goal to eradicate modern slavery, we need to go much further.
Security relationships have developed between so many countries for dealing with issues like counter-terrorism, cyber security, drug trafficking and wider intelligence sharing. But we do not have a similar relationship for this fight against modern slavery.
So we need our law enforcement agencies to work together C with joint investigation teams working across multiple countries.
Victims will only find freedom if we cultivate a radically new, global and co-ordinated approach to defeat this vile crime.
Together we must work tirelessly to preserve the freedoms and values that have defined our United Nations from its inception.
Together we must work tirelessly to restore these freedoms and values to the lives of the men, women and children who are exploited for profit and held captive with little or no chance of escape.
From the St James’ Palace declaration and the Atlantic Charter forged by Winston Churchill and President Roosevelt, to the first meeting of this General Assembly in London in 1946, the United Kingdom has always been an outward-facing, global partner at the heart of international efforts to secure peace and prosperity for all our people.
And that is how we will remain. For when the British people voted to leave the EU, they did not vote to turn inwards or walk away from any of our partners in the world.
Faced with challenges like migration, a desire for greater control of their country, and a mounting sense that globalisation is leaving working people behind, they demanded a politics that is more in touch with their concerns; and bold action to address them.
But that action must be more global, not less. Because the biggest threats to our prosperity and security do not recognise or respect international borders. And if we only focus on what we do at home, the job is barely half done.
So this is not the time to turn away from our United Nations. It is the time to turn towards it.
Only we C as Members of this community of nations C can act to ensure this great institution becomes as relevant for our future as it has been in our past.
So let us come together, true to our founding values but responsive to the challenges of today and let us work together to build a safer, more prosperous and more humane world for generations to come.
篇5：英国首相卡梅伦连任演讲
I've just been to see Her Majesty the Queen, and I will now form a majority Conservative government.
I've been proud to lead the first coalition government in 70 years, and I want to thank all those who worked so hard to make it a success; and in particular, on this day, Nick Clegg. Elections can be bruising clashes of ideas and arguments, and a lot of people who believe profoundly in public service have seen that service cut short. Ed Miliband rang me this morning to wish me luck with the new government; it was a typically generous gesture from someone who is clearly in public service for all the right reasons.
The government I led did important work: it laid the foundations for a better future, and now we must build on them. I truly believe we're on the brink of something special in our country; we can make Britain a place where a good life is in reach for everyone who is willing to work and do the right thing. Our manifesto is a manifesto for working people, and as a majority government we will be able to deliver all of it; indeed, it is the reason why I think majority government is more accountable.
Three million apprenticeships; more help with childcare; helping 30 million people cope with the cost of living by cutting their taxes; building homes that people are able to buy and own; creating millions more jobs that give people the chance of a better future. And yes, we will deliver that in/out referendum on our future in Europe.
As we conduct this vital work, we must ensure that we bring our country together. As I said in the small hours of this morning, we will govern as a party of one nation, one United Kingdom. That means ensuring this recovery reaches all parts of our country: from north to south, from east to west. And indeed, it means rebalancing our economy, building that “Northern Powerhouse”. It means giving everyone in our country a chance, so no matter where you're from you have the opportunity to make the most of your life. It means giving the poorest people the chance of training, a job, and hope for the future. It means that for children who don't get the best start in life, there must be the nursery education and good schooling that can transform their life chances. And of course, it means bringing together the different nations of our United Kingdom.
I have always believed in governing with respect. That's why in the last Parliament, we devolved power to Scotland and Wales, and gave the people of Scotland a referendum on whether to stay inside the United Kingdom. In this Parliament I will stay true to my word and implement as fast as I can the devolution that all parties agreed for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland.
Governing with respect means recognising that the different nations of our United Kingdom have their own governments, as well as the United Kingdom government. Both are important, and indeed with our plans, the governments of these nations will become more powerful, with wider responsibilities. In Scotland, our plans are to create the strongest devolved government anywhere in the world with important powers over taxation. And no constitutional settlement will be complete, if it did not offer, also, fairness to England.
When I stood here 5 years ago, our country was in the grip of an economic crisis. Five years on, Britain is so much stronger, but the real opportunities lie ahead. Everything I've seen over the last 5 years, and indeed, during this election campaign, has proved once again that this is a country with unrivalled skills and creativeness; a country with such good humour, and such great compassion, and I'm convinced that if we draw on all of this, then we can take these islands, with our proud history, and build an even prouder future.
Together we can make Great Britain greater still. Thank you.
篇6：成龙北京大学即兴励志演讲
成龙，1954年4月7日生于香港中西区，祖籍安徽芜湖，[1] 国家一级演员，大中华区影坛和国际功夫影星。
1960年进入中国戏剧学校学习戏曲，以武师身份进身电影圈。1970年自戏校毕业，因为自幼在影片中跑过龙套，所以希望往电影界发展。1976年，成龙澳洲期间，经过经理人陈自强的关系，被当时的电影人罗维看中，随即返港拍摄《新精武门》，罗维为其取名“成龙”，但几部电影都不得志。1978年吴思远邀成龙拍《蛇形刁手》和《醉拳》令其走红。 1979年，成龙离开罗维，为填补突然逝世的李小龙与嘉禾电影公司签约，推出首部作品《师弟出马》。20世纪70年代，成龙曾模仿李小龙的形象拍片，后来转而开辟了功夫喜剧的路线。1993年，凭借电影《重案组》获得第30届台湾电影金马奖最佳男主角奖 。1994年主演电影《红番区》，该片在美国公映后使其成功打入好莱坞。20xx年，成龙被韩国民众选为代表“中国大人物”之一，仅次于毛泽东、邓小平，位居第3名。20xx年，获得第54届亚太影展“杰出电影成就奖”。20xx年8月24日，《纽约时报》评选出史上20位最伟大动作巨星，成龙名列第一位。20xx年，成龙当选为全国政协委员。20xx年2月14日，成龙再次当选为香港演艺人协会会长。
成龙与周润发、周星驰、并称“双周一成”。他擅长功夫片，电影的谐趣风格及袁和平设计的活泼灵巧兼具杂耍性的武术动作，令成龙找到了自己在功夫片领域的发展方向，其主演的电影全球总票房已经超过200亿元。
篇7：俞敏洪北京大学演讲
俞敏洪北京大学演讲
这篇演讲稿是俞敏洪2015年1月在北京大学的一次演讲——《把平凡日子堆砌成伟大的人生》，希望对那些对未来抱有迷茫心态的年轻人有所启悟，
有一个故事说，能够到达金字塔顶端的只有两种动物，一是雄鹰，靠自己的天赋和翅膀飞了上去。另一种动物就是蜗牛，一点点爬上去的。我相信蜗牛绝对不会一帆风顺地爬上去，一定会掉下来、再爬、掉下来、再爬。但只要爬到金字塔顶端，蜗牛所看到的世界、收获的成就，跟雄鹰是一样的。
到今天为止，我一直认为自己是一只蜗牛，一直在爬。只要你在爬，就足以给自己留下令生命感动的日子。我常常说：如果我们不为自己留下一些让自己热泪盈眶的日子，那你的生命就白过了。今天，我想和大家分享的就是：人的进步是一辈子的事情。
就我本人而言，我觉得只要有两样东西，我们就能成就自己的人生。第一样叫理想。我从小就有一种想法，希望穿越地平线走向远方，我把它叫做“穿越地平线的渴望”。我有个邻居，也是我终生的榜样，徐霞客——当然是500年前的邻居，我们都是江苏江阴的。我下定决心，如果徐霞客走遍了中国，我就要走遍世界。我现在正在实现这一梦想。所以，只要心中有理想、有志向，你终将走向成功。你所要做到的'就是在这个过程中要有艰苦奋斗、忍受挫折和失败的能力，不断扩大自己的心胸。
第二样叫良心。什么叫良心呢?就是要做好事，对得起自己、对得起别人，要有和别人分享的姿态，要有愿意为别人服务的精神。良心，会从你做的事情中体现出来，而且你所做的事情一定会对你的未来产生影响。我来讲两个小故事。
有一位企业家和我讲过他大学时的一个故事，他们班有一个同学，家庭比较富有，每周都会带6个苹果到学校来，他自己一天吃一个，
尽管苹果是他的，但从此他给同学们都留下一个印象：太自私。后来这位企业家成功了，而那个吃苹果的同学希望加入到企业家的队伍里来。但企业家和同学们一商量，都说不能让他加盟，原因很简单，因为在大学时他就没有表现出分享精神。在大学时代的第一个要点，就是你得跟同学们分享你所拥有的东西，感情、思想、财富，哪怕是一个苹果也可以分成6瓣大家一起吃。这样做你将来能得到更多，你的付出永远不会是白白付出的。
我再来讲一下自己的故事。做学生时，我的成绩一直不怎么样，但我从小就热爱劳动，从小学一年级就一直打扫教室卫生。到了北大以后我养成了一个良好的习惯，每天为宿舍打扫卫生，这一打扫就是4年。我每天都拎着宿舍的水壶去打水，把它当作一种体育锻炼。大家看我打水习惯了，最后还产生这样一种情况，有时候我忘了打水，同学就说：“俞敏洪怎么还不去打水?”但我并不觉得打水是一件多么吃亏的事，同学互相帮助是理所当然的。
又过了10年，到了1995年年底的时候，新东方做到了一定规模，我想找一些合作者，就跑到了美国和加拿大去找我那些同学。我为了诱惑他们回来，还带了一大把美元，想让他们知道在中国也能赚钱——我想大概这样他们就会回来。
后来他们回来了，但给了我一个十分意外的理由。他们说：“俞敏洪，我们回去是冲着你过去为我们打了4年水。我们知道，你有饭吃肯定不会给我们粥喝，所以我们一起回中国。”这才有了新东方的今天。
人的一生是奋斗的一生，但有的人一生过得很伟大，有的人一生过得很琐碎。如果我们有一个伟大的理想，有一颗善良的心，我们一定能把很多琐碎的日子堆砌起来，变成一个伟大的生命。但是如果你每天庸庸碌碌，没有理想，从此停止进步，那未来你一辈子的日子堆积起来将永远是一堆琐碎。所以，我希望，在座的同学们都能把自己每天平凡的日子堆砌成伟大的人生。
以上内容由应届毕业生演讲稿网站整理提供。
★ 当代名人励志故事
★ 不辜负春华作文
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