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英语邀请某人演讲范文

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英语邀请某人演讲范文（精选17篇）由网友“土豆”投稿提供，以下是小编帮大家整理后的英语邀请某人演讲范文，仅供参考，希望能够帮助到大家。

英语邀请某人演讲范文

篇1：邀请某人做某事的英语短语是什么

She had twisted his arm to get him to invite her.

她已说服了他，让他邀请她。

It's no business of yours who I invite to the party.

你无权过问我邀请谁参加聚会。

She began to count up how many guests they had to invite.

她开始计算他们得邀请多少位客人。

篇2：评价某人英语怎么写

She evaluates people by their clothes.

她根据衣着来估价人。

One's contributions and mistakes will be evaluated by later generations.

功过自有后人评。

Evaluate this piece of furniture, please.

这件家具请你估一估价。

The school has only been open for six months, so it's hard to evaluate its success.

该学校仅开办了六个月，现在还很难估计它的成就。

In evaluating historical personages, we should not lose sight of specific historical conditions.

对历史人物的估价不能脱离具体的历史条件。

篇3：一句话学英语：ask+某人+not to

The embarrassed Slovenian delegation asked journalists not to mention the mix-up in their reports.

【全句解释】

倍感尴尬的斯洛文尼亚代表团，要求记者不要在报道中提及这个引起了混乱的错误。

【词语】

【注释】

①embarrassed：自身感到尴尬的。一些“实意动词”在转换成“形容词”时，后面既可以加ed，又可以加ing。区别：以ed收尾的“形容词”，表示：自身感到......样的;以ing收尾的“形容词”，表示：令人感到......样的。试比较：I felt so embarrassed about my mistake.(我对自己犯的错误深表尴尬。);It was a very embarrassing accident.(这是一起令人感到非常尴尬的事故。)。

②ask+某人+not to+动词原形：要求某人不要做某事

③in+某人’s reports：在某人所发表的报道中。【注】介词in的用法。

公众号：一句话学英语

篇4：和某人沟通英语作文

He didn't really know what he wanted. Sometimes, when he replied to my long e-mails it was hard to read his replies because he didn't even use paragraphs to separate my text from his. When I finished the project, I got a 10 and a nice comment but only I, knew how hard it was to complete it. It was a nightmare. Most of my time on the project was spent trying to communicate with him. I estimated that I spent double the time that it was worth for this project. Do you think that this was an extreme example? Think again. It is very possible to happen to you if you fail to communicate.

篇5：和某人沟通英语作文

1、谈判总是在最后期限快到时(或已经超过时)才有可能成立，不要期待过早的结论。

(1)耐心与消除紧张的自我控制十分重要：

学着控制自己对不安、紧张、焦虑的反应，保持镇定并维持警觉;注意对方的反应，要等到最有利的时机再行动。

2、不能轻易向对方泄漏己方的谈判日程与截止期限。

二、最后期限的攻防战：

1、期限的力量：迫使人们采取行动

2、不要为期限所困;

3、对方也有期限;

4、面对期限的攻防原则：

未获利之前，必须缓慢行动;必能获利之时，必须紧急行动。

三、合理运用各种计谋

1、知己知彼，百战不殆

2、以退为进

3、美人计

4、偷梁换柱

案例：

20xx年，日本火影学校经营惨败，面临破产，英国霍格沃茨学校打算全面收购日本火影学校，于是派了一只谈判队伍去日本进行收购价格谈判，领队人名叫谭必胜。

场景一(出发前全部人员都小心谨慎)

(旁白：英国霍格沃茨校长室)

霍长：谭，此次收购意义重大，一定要不惜代价把火影忍者学校拿下。

谭：是，校长。

(谭打电话给TB)

谭：全部到天台集合。(说完走了，TB赶到天台)

谭：此行去日本，大家要认真考察，尽量压低成本。

TB：是，主任。

场景二

(旁白：日本火影学校办公室)

李：蠢一郎，霍格沃茨的谈判队伍将要到达，你可要好好招待人家，知道吗?

蠢：是，是，是，我一定好好招待他们。(弯腰，诚惶诚恐)

(经理走出去，蠢打电话把CB都叫进来，CB走进来)

CB：主任(边说边点头)

蠢：你们几个随我去接待贵宾，好好表现，知道吗?(凶狠)

CB：知道……知道

场景三(谭等人，因糖衣炮弹而泄露了机密，迷失了自我，丢掉了防备)

(旁白：火影学校天台)(鞠躬)

蠢一郎：欢迎你们来到日本美丽的名古屋。路上辛苦了!

谭：不辛苦不辛苦，这里太美丽了!

蠢：谢谢你们公司肯收购我们即将破产的学校啊，救了我们一命啊，你们真的是活菩萨啊，是我们的救世主啊!

必胜：哪里话，哪里话，应该的，应该的!哈哈….

(接着日本商人说了一大堆奉承的话，英国派去的商人渐渐的得意忘形了)

CB1：谭先生你真帅哦!(嗲)

CB2：贵校实力真强悍，不仅出了伏地魔，还出了哈利波特!佩服

CB3：谭先生，人家好佩服你哦，真是闻名不如见面

蠢：我们日本很漂亮吧，一场来到如果不到处去游览一下真的是遗憾啊!要不这样吧，我代表我们公司领你们到处去走走玩玩吧，怎么样?

必胜：哈哈，好啊，是应该去走走啊，哈哈..

蠢：哦，对了，不知道你们这次来日本打算留几天啊，要不我们很难具体地安排行程啊。

(蠢在套谈判日期)

谭：哦，就留那么一个星期而已啦，下星期一就要走了…(说完，捂了嘴巴)(时间泄露了)

蠢：那就太好了，我叫我的手下帮你们安排一下游玩行程吧，保证你们玩得开开心心啊…我们日本，美女大大的有!大大的有(分散谭的注意力，扰乱谈判日程，拖延时间)

……蠢CB1包围谭，CB23带TB(CB带谭到处游玩)

(旁白：就这样，谭必胜他们被领到一间五星级酒店休息，接下来的一个星期，他们跑遍了名古屋好玩的地方，很快，星期一就到了，可是因为一直都是吃喝玩乐，他们没有准备好谈判的相关准备。)

谭：哇!日本的姑娘太漂亮了!啧啧!好……好……

蠢：谭先生，这是我们经理的一点小小心意，请一定要收下。

谭：太客气了

蠢：那不打扰您休息了!明天见!

CB：谭先生，我们送您去休息吧!

谭：好!哈哈!(说完走了)

场景四(第二天火影学校会议室，谈判失利)

李：谭先生，这是我们学校的校长，关女士

关：谭先生您好

谭：您好。

关：这次谈判将由我全权负责，请坐!

“咚咚”

OL敲门，走进办公室，手拿着文件夹，走着走着文件夹不小心掉了，资料散出来。OL赶快拣起(慌张的表情)，拿给关

关：请进

谭：关，这是……

关：没什么，一些无关紧要的资料。

(TB1经理，那是昆仑派的意向书

2没想到他们也下手了，我们可要加大力度拿下阿

3是阿，经理

谭：谈谈再说

关：这是我们商议好的价格，请您过目。

谭：不行，不行，这个价格太高了，我们公司决不同意。

关：我们学校在国际教育界的地位是大家有目共睹的，只是由于最近经营不当才无奈转让，我们学校绝对值这个价钱。

这时，霍校长打电话给谭

谭：关校长，不好意思，我接个电话(说完走开了)

霍长：谭主任，一定要拿下，不容有误!知道吗?(严厉)

谭：是，是。(擦擦汗，焦急)

蠢看着谭，然后对着关说

蠢：校长，看来他们是很心急，我们一定要抬高价格

关：恩(不出声的)

(谭接完电话走回来)

谭：关校长，我们是抱着诚意来的，不如大家都让一步吧!

关：不行!我们学校的实力那是不容质疑的，在国际上也是数一数二的，我们就是这个价。

谭擦擦汗，强做镇定，以及不屑

谭：关校长，哼，如果你们不按照我们的方案来，我方将放弃贵校，日本也不是只有你们火影学校的，还有风水木等忍者学校。

关：呵呵!谭先生，您觉得其他学校比得上我们火影吗?

谭：……虽然比不上，但是也差不多。(语气无力，自欺欺人)

(旁白：谭一行人的规程日期被日本人掌握了，而且被日本人发现了他们急于收购学校，所以火影一方一直强硬的坚持，等待谭必胜的妥协……)

…………谈判中

谭不时擦擦汗，看看表，焦急

谭：关校长，贵方的价格还是太高了，我们无法接受。

关：呵呵!那我们在谈谈!

(电话想起，OL拿起电话走出去外面，一会儿回来，在关耳边小声说着，关笑了，面无表情，站起)

关：谭先生，我看今天是谈不出什么结果了，不如明天再谈好吧!

TB1拉了拉谭，焦急的看着他

(谭心里想起了校长的嘱咐，校长的话想起“谭主任，一定要拿下，不容有误!知道吗?”)

(谭心里想着，如果我搞不定那还怎么回去面对校长，哎!那我的饭碗不就……哎)

(谭立马拍桌而起)

谭：不，我们决定依照贵方的方案来谈，我们先签意向书吧!

关：不急!我看大家也累了，先休息十分钟吧!我先失陪了，等下见谭先生!

谭：关校长……

场景五(谭与团队在讨论，可惜因焦急而迷失了方向)

TB3：谭主任，关校长怎么不签了?难道是中国昆仑派来人了?(TB3在谭耳边悄悄说)

谭：你说的有理，哎，都怪我们这几天被他们拖延了时间。(懊悔)

不行，你去给我探察下情况。(指了指TB2)

TB2：是，主任

(说完就悄悄的走了，鬼鬼祟祟的跟着关)

场景六(关和收下在密谋，实行顶包计)

关和OL走在路上

关：你等下假扮昆仑派的人，知道吗?

OL：是，校长。

场景七(TB2跟着关，来到其办公室门口)

关：昆仑派的道长您好!在下火影忍者学校校长，关门菜菜子!

OL：恩!关门女生你好!贫道悟能，今奉掌门之令前来洽谈收购贵校!

(门外的TB2听到这里，顿时方寸大乱，跺跺脚，赶快跑回会议室)

OL打开门看了看

关：走了?

OL：恩，走了

关：哈哈!

OL：哈哈!

关：走得好!我们走

场景八(谭等人上当受骗)

TB2慌张跑进会议室

TB2：主任，不好了，昆仑派派人来洽谈了!

谭(立马站起，六神无主)：什么真的?你确定

TB2：是真的，我亲耳听到的。这可怎么办阿主任。

“咚咚”关等人走进

关：谭主任，休息得怎么样阿!还要不要休息下!

谭：不必了，关校长，我方刚决定在贵方的基础上提高10%的价格，毕竟，火影学校可是国际数一数二，价格太低可配不上它!

关：呵呵!那我们现在签字?(边说边拿其合同)

谭：恩!马上签字!

签完字

关：合作愉快!呵呵!

谭：合作愉快!呵呵!(强颜欢笑)

就这样，因为谭的疏忽，霍格沃茨学校以绝对高的价格收购了只留下一个残壳的火影学校，十分不划算!

篇6：和某人沟通英语作文

Buyers must clearly specify their needs before they post a project. You don't have to be a system analyst in order to do this efficiently. Write as many details as you can and give examples. Coders are not magicians. They can't guess what you want. During the development, constantly comment on the work. Always check the various steps and make sure that you are moving into the correct direction. Praise the coder if he finishes a nice tricky part of the project. Most coders are take pride in their work. Reward them if they take the extra mile for you.

篇7：陪伴某人的英语短语是什么

The company needs to improve performance in all these areas.

公司需要在所有这些方面改善业绩。

In our company, quality is high on the agenda.

我们公司高度重视质量。

How will the company be doing ten years further on?

十年以后公司的'`情况将如何呢？

The company has been investing in new plant and equipment.

这家公司一直在投资购置新机器和设备。

Day care is provided by the company she works for.

她工作的那家公司有日托。

篇8：跟随某人的英语短语

例句：

如果你跟随某人主要是因为你们感觉友好，这就是公共关系。

If you follow someone primarily because you feel friendly, it's a communal relationship.

看起来如果你跟随某人一起工作，你会从中获益。

It appears that by working in tandem with another, you will actually benefit.

当我跟随某人的时候，我发现为了努力的游在恰当的位置，我的划臂会有些乱套。

When I am drafting someone else, I often notice that my stroke is much choppier as I am struggling to stay in the proper position.

篇9：一句话学英语：let+某人+down

Please respect my decision, I will never let the club down.

【全句解释】

请尊重我的选择，我是永远都不会让俱乐部内的成员们失望的。

【词语】

【注释】

①let+某人+down：让某人失望。

②club：一支包括运动员及随队工作人员在内的队伍。当此词作“主语”时，“谓语动词”用“单数或复数形式”都可以。

公众号：一句话学英语

篇10：英语经典演讲

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

篇11：英语经典演讲

Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.

I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.

In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.

Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.

This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.

We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.

My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.

With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.

We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.

My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,

“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”

The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.

Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.

My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.

But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.

Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.

I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of AIDS firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.

To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, “You are at risk.” And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.

To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word “AIDS” when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.

God bless the children, and God bless us all.

Good night.

篇12：英语经典演讲

Good evening, my fellow citizens，

This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.

I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.

This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.

The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.

We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.

Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.

I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.

I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.

I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.

Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.

The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.

Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.

My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.

This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.

Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.

As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.

We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.

This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.

Thank you very much.

篇13：英语如何拒绝求职邀请

英语如何拒绝求职邀请：

1.惯用口语句子：

I'd love to, but I can't.

我很想去，但我不能。

I'm afraid I can't.

我恐怕不行。

I'm not sure about it. I'll have to check.

我不太清楚。我看一下吧。

check v. 检查,核对

Thanks, but unfortunately I already have plans.

谢谢，但不巧的是我已经有计划了。

I'd love to, but I've got an exam that afternoon.

我很愿意，但我那天下午有个考试。

unfortunately ad. 不幸的是，不巧的是

I wish I could, but I'll have a conference that day.

我希望我能去，但我那天还有个会议。

conference n.会议，讨论会，协商会

It's very kind of you, but I have an appointment on Friday.

你真好，但我周五有个约会。

You are so nice, but I can't cancel that appointment.

你真好，但我没法取消那个约会。

appointment n. 约会，预约

I've already promised to meet Jennifer this evening, but thank you all the same.

我已经答应今晚去见詹妮弗了，不过还是要谢谢你。

all the same“还是，仍然”

Thank you very much for asking me, but I feel rather tired.

谢谢你邀请我，不过我实在是太累了。

rather ad.相当，非常

Much as I should like to, I'm afraid I won't be free next Sunday.

虽然我很想去，但恐怕下星期天我没空。

本句将“much”提前，置于句首，起强调作用。

I'll be busy all day long.

我一整天都会很忙。

I can't spare a minute.

我一分钟的时间都抽不出来。

all day long“整天”

I have to work overtime.

我得加班。

I'm working overtime.

我正在加班。

overtime ad. 加班

2.实用对话

Refusing an Invitation拒绝邀请

Joe: Jane, I was wondering if you had any plans for Saturday afternoon.

乔：简，我想知道你周六下午是否有什么打算。

Jane: A friend and I are planning to go out. Why? What's up?

简：我和我的一位朋友准备外出。怎么了?有什么事吗?

Joe: There's a special exhibition of French sculptures at the museum. I was hoping you'd like to come with me.

乔：博物馆有一个法国雕塑的特别展览。我本希望你能和我一起去。

Jane: I'm afraid I can't. I'm going to be out all day.

简：我恐怕不行。我得外出一天呢。

Joe: What about Sunday?

乔：那么周日怎么样?

Jane: I wish I could, but it's my mom's birthday.

简：我倒是希望我能去，不过那天是我妈妈的生日。

Joe: Maybe next week?

乔：也许下周可以?

Jane: Much as I'd like to. I'm afraid I won't be free next week. I have a lot of work.

简：尽管我很想去，但恐怕下周我没空。我有很多工作要做。

Joe: Sorry to hear that. I was really looking forward to spending some more time with you. I really enjoyed our last chat.

乔：听你这么说真是太遗憾了。我真希望能和你多呆会儿。我们上次聊得很愉快。

Jane: I'm really sorry, too. Maybe I can give you a call sometime.

简：我也感到非常遗憾。也许我可以找个时间给你打电话。

3.详细解说

1.“I wonder...”或“I am/was wondering...”的结构，表示“我想知道…”，用于礼貌性地向别人发出询问，语气较委婉，例如：I

wonder when the two of you are going to join us.(我想知道你们俩什么时候加入我们。)when the two of you are going to join us

另外，这个结构也可以用于礼貌性地请求别人做某事，例如：I was wondering whether you'd like to help me prepare the party.(我想知道你是否愿意帮我准备这个派对。)

2.“wish”后面跟的宾语从句要使用虚拟语气，主要形式有3种：(1)表示对现在情况的虚拟：wish+主语+动词过去式或were;(2)表示对过去情况的虚拟：wish+主语+had+过去分词;(3)表示对将来情况的虚拟：wish+主语+would+动词原形。例如：I wish I were rich.(我希望我现在很富有。)At times l wish we had never moved house.(有时候我希望我们从来就没有搬过家。)I wish he would join in with the other children.(我希望他将来能和其他孩子们玩到一起。)

3.在“as”引导的让步状语从句中，需要使用倒装结构。

4.文化洗礼

美国人是如何拒绝邀请的

1.I'm sorry to tum you down.(拒绝你，我很抱歉。)

在美国，如果有人邀请你参加一个party或出席其他活动，你不想参加，就可以用这句话来拒绝。

2. I'm sorry. I'm not interested.(对不起，我没有兴趣。)

当你实在不想参加某项活动时，如果说出这句话，对方就不会纠缠太久了。

3. I'm really not in the mood. (我真的没有什么心情。)

“mood”解释为“心情”，“没有心情”还可以说成：“I don't have the mood.”。比如明天就要考试了，今天有人来找你出去玩，你就可以这么拒绝。

4. I really want to, but I got hundreds of things to do. (我很想去,可是我有很多事要做。)

别人邀请你参加某活动，如果你不想去，你就可以说这句话，会让人感觉比较有礼貌，也不会让人觉得没面子。

5.I don't want to go and that's it.(我不想去，就是这样。)

这种说法的语气很强烈，通常听到的人可能会不太高兴。假如对方很烦人，那就可以跟其这样说。

篇14：外贸邀请英语对话

A: Hello.Mr. Bolt. Do you have plans this evening:'

A：您好，波尔特先生。您今晚有什么安排吗?

B: Not yet for the moment.

B：暂时还没有呢。

A: May I invite you to a dinner at a Chinese restaurant? I know a restaurant here where delicious Chinese food is served.

A:那我可以请您一起去吃中国菜吗?我知道这有一家中国餐馆，菜品很不错。

B: Thank you. I am delighted to go with you.l have had Chinese food before in New York.but till now I have been not good at using chopsticks.

B:谢谢。我很高兴前往。我以前在纽约时吃过中国菜，但是到现在为止我还是不怎么会用筷子。

A: It does not matter. I will help you.

A:不要紧，我会帮助您的.

B: Thank you very much.What kind does Chinese food include?

B：多谢，中国菜都有什么种类呢?

A: It's very abundant. There are 4 types of most famous Chinese foods in our country, They are Sichuan Food.Cantonese Food. Jiangsu Food and Shandong Food.

A:非常丰富。在我们国家有四大名菜系，川菜、和鲁菜.

B: Oh.it is very interesting. If I can I want to try them all. This food is out of this world !

B：哦，真有意思。如果可能的话，我想都尝试一下。这些食物只有天上才有。

A: Sure! You have the chance.You can try one kind this time,and another the next time.

A:当然可以。您有机会的。您这次可以品尝一种，等下次再尝试另外一种。

B: How do you eat Chinese food? How do you start?

B：你们是怎么吃中国菜的，怎么开始的?

A: Remember one sentence.“When in Rome.do as the Romans do”. When we start.the host w… take the chopsticks first.then the others.

A:记住一句话就可以了，“入乡随俗”一当我们开席之后，主人先动筷子，然后其他人再动。

B: What about drinks ?

B:那喝酒呢?

A: The host will usually take the wine firstly and all the people will stand up.then the host will have a toast.then they will say“che- ers”all together. The host usually bottoms up and the guests will follow. But if you can't drink.you can sip a little.

A:主人会先端起酒杯然后其他人都会跟着站起来，接着主人说一些祝福的话，随后大家一起说“干杯”一主人通常会一饮而尽，客人也是如此但是如果你不能喝酒，你可以抿一点.

B: It's very interesting. I have learnt a lot about Chinese food from;you today. Thank you very much

B:真是有趣。今天从你那学到了很多关于中国菜的知识。非常感谢。

A: It's very kind of you for saying so.

A:您这么说真是太客气了.

篇15：英语读书会邀请作文

Dear * *:

In order to further improve the comprehensive quality and learning ability of students in our class and reflect the spiritual outlook of students in our class, Class 131 of Law will organize students in our class to carry out book reading activities to create a good learning atmosphere of reading more, reading better and reading better, so that students can truly feel the spirit and fashion of Class 131 of Law and inspire their love for school life.

Office: School of Political Science and Law

Acceptance: 131 classes of law

The organization of the speech contest of book club friends and soul enrichment in class 131 of law of the institute of political science and law of the program list of the book club

General planning: Zhang jiing

Planning: Xie Yapeng, Li Yan and Ran Xiaowei

Moderator: Ma Jiaqi and Li Pei

Sign to: Zhang Shaoming

Service Group: Madeleine

篇16：英语读书会邀请作文

Dear colleagues:

Hello! The Dowen Lecture Hall is scheduled to be held on May 5 ( Sunday ) from 9: 00 to 12: 00. Parents of the parenting education delegation will share How to Cultivate Childrens Virtue with the visiting teacher on the 22nd lecture reading conference, Etiquette in Food, Clothes, Housing and Travel. Please reply to the message and sign up for your seat.

All the teachers of the multi-media school present their compliments. For more information, please pay attention to QQ group of multi-media lecture hall: 227102606

Address: Duowen School, 1st Floor, Longjuge, Jubao Garden, No. 8, Min - Zhu Road

Telephone: 18934712035 ( Chisu )

Multi - smell school

May 3, 20xx

Photographic group: Wu Na

Publicity Group: Xie Yapeng and Cai Chunhui

Coordination Group: Qiu Yuanlong

篇17：英语读书会邀请作文

英语读书会邀请作文

Dear colleagues:

Office: School of Political Science and Law

Acceptance: 131 classes of law

The organization of the speech contest of book club friends and soul enrichment in class 131 of law of the institute of political science and law of the program list of the book club.

General planning: Zhang jiing

Planning: Xie Yapeng, Li Yan and Ran Xiaowei

Moderator: Ma Jiaqi and Li Pei

Sign to: Zhang Shaoming

Service Group: Madeleine