八年级精彩励志的演讲稿

八年级精彩励志的演讲稿（精选19篇）由网友“rosen0594”投稿提供，下面是小编为大家整理后的八年级精彩励志的演讲稿，以供大家参考借鉴!

篇1：精彩演讲稿励志

我的正式职业是一名设计师，但我同时还是大学的辩论队教练，咱们一般人所遵循的原则都是一分耕耘一分收获，天道酬勤。但是我跟我的队员们讲的是不论你有多努力，不论你天赋有多么的好，你都是会输的。

的时候，我站到了国际大专辩论赛的赛场上面，我竭尽了全力也赢得了掌声，但还是止步半决赛，输了。所以在宣布结果之后我就当着人山人海的观众哭的个稀里哗啦，但是这个时候，我一位中国台湾的朋友执中他拉住我，忽然问了我一个很奇怪的问题，他说“邱晨，你知不知道为什么奥运会里面每一个项目我们只比一次呢，如果奥运会的目的就是让我们知道这个世界上谁最高、谁最快、谁最强的话，那为什么我们不把所有的对手都集中到一起，让他们在不同的身体条件、不同的天气、不同的时间和地点里面，各比它个十几趟，然后再算一个平均值呢，一次就定胜负，这样的胜负难道不是很不稳定、很不精确、很不能服众，包括不能让你感到心悦诚服吗?”我当时就愣住了，我从来没有想过这样一个问题，但是在那之后我渐渐理解了胜负成败真正的含义。

胜负，它不仅是一种竞争的结果，它更是一种仪式，是一种非常重要的成长的仪式。各位不妨回想一下自己的经历，是不是每一次失败里面我们都有一丝不甘的遗憾，每一次成功里面我们都有一点点不愿意让别人知道的侥幸，但是也正是因为如此，这个不稳定的胜负才能最终击溃我们心底深处自以为无所不能的狂妄，让我们最终真真正正的学会谦卑和感恩。

如果你想有一个不太一样的人生，或至少用不太一样的眼光来看待自己和别人的人生，那你就应该彻底的摆脱这种一分耕耘一分收获机械等式的束缚，也只有到那个时候你才能够得到比胜负宝贵万倍的东西，是自由。

篇2： 励志演讲稿精彩

亲爱的同学们：

你遭遇过人生的成功与失败吗？是啊，人生如画，哪怕笔法再纯熟，也不可能尽善尽美；人生如歌，尽管旋律很优美，但也不能保证个个音符都铿锵圆润。在我们取得成功的道路上，我们同时经历着这样或那样的遗憾与失败。并且，在今后的人生道路上，或许会遇到更多的挫折和失败。当《xx》令大家拍案称奇的时候，当感动中国的时候，我们除了热泪盈眶，又有没有思考过，如果挫折和不幸发生在我们自己的身上，我们又该如何去面对呢？是灰心？还是信心？如果你选择了前者，无疑你是个懦弱的人，你苦恼于失败，退避于失败，你将永远不会达到成功；然而如果你毅然选择了后者，那么可以肯定的是你是个顽强坚定的人，你不畏于挫折，勇于挑战挫折，你超强的'自信心，将使你踏上成功的第一步。

也许，有人会认为人生路上的失败和痛苦是命运的不公，这里，我想讲一则寓言与大家分享。空旷的广场上有一座雄伟的雕像耸入云霄，地面上铺的是整整齐齐的大理石板。大理石方砖仰头看看高耸的雕像，抱怨到：我们都是用同样的材质做成的，为什么你每天接受千万人的景仰，而我每天却要遭受千万人的践踏？雕像微微笑了笑，缓缓地说：“我们的确是用同样的材质做成的，但你还记得当初我们的制作过程吗？你，只经过了简单的几次切割，就成了现在方方整整的模样；而我呢，却经历了千万次斧凿刀刻，才铸就今天的脸庞。”同学们，听到这里，你还认为痛苦是不幸、失败是不公吗？也许你曾经或正在经历着常人难以想象的磨难，请把它当作财富吧！它是你迈向成功的的台阶。

古往今来，逆境中的故事数不胜数。越王勾践，卧薪尝胆，十年教训，终于实现了“三千越甲可吞吴”的誓言；司马迁，身受腐刑，忍辱负重，写就了被称为“史家之绝唱，无韵之离骚”的《史记》；曹雪芹，门道中落，举家食粥，笔耕不辍，一部反映封建大家族没落的中国古典小说颠峰之作——《红楼梦》由此诞生；陈景润，蛰居斗室，终日与黑笔白纸为伍，呕心沥血，十数春秋，摘到了数学皇冠上的明珠。

谢谢。

篇3：大学生精彩励志演讲稿

大学生精彩励志演讲稿：国家励志奖学金演讲

尊敬的各位领导、各位老师、各位同学，大家好：

今天我非常荣幸，代表“复旦大学优秀留学生奖学金”获得者在这里发言。很感谢学校给予我们的荣誉与鼓励，并给我发言的机会。

我叫吕承焕，来自韩国，我是中国古代文学研究中心 20xx级的博士研究生。在韩国，我已经学习了中国古代文学很多年了，并因此深深地为中国传统文化和文学着迷。所以我决定到中国来，亲身感受、体会这个国度古老的历史和悠久的文化。复旦大学是中国的著名学府，拥有很多世界知名的学者以及数量颇丰的文献古籍，因此，我决定来复旦大学继续我的研究和学习。

来中国以后，中国国家的繁荣昌盛，人民的热情友好，都给我留下了深刻的印象。我想，这也是越来越多的外国人来中国留学、工作、旅行的原因吧。来到我们复旦以后，我一下子就喜欢上了这个校园，他沉静、朴实，也充满活力和朝气，一种灵动而又扎实的学风洋溢其中。

入学以后，无论学习还是生活，我的导师都给了我悉心的指导和帮助，让我非常感动奖学金获奖代表发言稿。其他很多老师也耐心的传道、受业、解惑，他们渊博的学识和高尚的人格，都是我们的表率。正是在众位师长的关心和指导下，我认真努力从事于我的研究工作，取得了一些小小的成绩。我的中学同学和我之间，就像兄弟姐妹一样，他们也给予我大量热情的帮助，在此，我也要对他们表示感谢。

当然，我更要感谢学校，谢谢学校对我们留学生的关心和帮助。校方能充分考虑到留学生学习和生活各个方面的问题，无论是制度，还是设施，都为我们提供了许多便利。并通过优秀留学生奖学金的设立，给予我们鼓励和荣誉，也使我们对自己的工作和学习有了一份肯定和自信。

作为一个研究中国文化的外国人，我对这个奖学金还有一些自己的看法。一个国家文化上的影响力从来都是与他的综合国力紧密联系的。现在中国的发展越来越快，在东亚和世界的影响也越来越大，同样，中国文化的全球影响也日益增长。我们这些来自世界各国的留学生今天欢聚一堂，领取这个奖学金，正充分说明了这一点。所以，从这个意义上来说，这个奖学金不单是发给我们的，也是发给中国自己的。我们相信，世界与中国，将互相融合。而我们，则是文化的使者。

好，我的发言到此结束，再次谢谢各位领导，各位老师，谢谢大家。

大学生精彩励志演讲稿：大学生五四青年节演讲

敬爱的老师、亲爱的同学们：

大家下午好，生命不仅仅是一滴滴的鲜血，它更是渴望燃烧的激情;青春也不仅仅是一声声的赞美，它更是拥有使命并为之奋斗不息的源泉。因为生命的光环，一个个被践踏的躯体赋予了新的灵魂;因为青春的绚丽，一个个飞舞的思绪会聚成一首悲壮的挽歌。

时光的老人又一次送来了五月，迎来了又一个“五四”青年节。在享受祥和、安宁的幸福生活之时，我不禁想起了那些曾经为中华民族的民主、科学、独立而抛头颅洒热血的青年们，是他们，在民族遭受屈辱的时刻挺身而出，以力挽狂澜之势救黎民于苦难。在斗争中，青年们敢于直面惨淡的人生，敢于正视淋漓的鲜血，他们以燃烧的激情和鲜血凝聚成精神的火炬，点燃了未来。这种青春是多么的绚丽夺目呀，这种使命感是多么的震撼人心啊!

青春是美好的，没有使命感的青春便是贫血的青春。青年是祖国的未来，是民族的希望。在任何一个时代，青年都是社会上最富有朝气最富有创造性、最富有生命力的群体。我们要怎样才能实践自己肩负的历史使命，怎样才能使自己的青春光彩照人呢?

放眼看吧，在我们社会主义现代化建设的征途中，涌现出许许多多的新时代青年的楷模：维护正义的邱娥国，党的好战士高建成，战地英雄许杏虎、朱颖，海空卫士王伟以及无数的奔赴新闻热点的记者和与病魔作斗争的医务工作者，他们就像汪洋大海里的一滴滴水，折射出太阳的光辉。

作为新世纪的大学生，我们要树立远大的理想。人的一生只能享受一次青春，当一个人在年轻时就把自己的人生与人民的事业紧紧相连，他所创造的就是永恒的青春。我们要坚持勤奋学习，立志成才。二十一世纪，信息交流日益广泛，知识更新大大加快。形势逼人自强、催人奋进。我们要跟上时代步伐，更好地为现代化建设贡献力量就必须学习学习再学习，打下坚实的知识功底。在学习中，还要善于创新，善于实践，善于把所学的知识运用到改造主观世界和客观世界的活动中去，不断成才。我们要注重锤炼品德。优良的品德对人的一生至关重要。

生命对每个人只有一次，而青春则是这仅有的一次生命中易逝的一段。我坚信：流星虽然短暂，但在它划过夜空的那一刹那，已经点燃了最美的青春。让我们肩负起历史的使命，让身体里流淌的血液迸发出激情!让我们都做夜空下那颗闪亮的星星!

大学生精彩励志演讲稿：大学生植树节演讲

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家中午好!我是来自外语人文教育系的某某某，我很荣幸作为一名青年志愿者代表站在这里讲话。

“一年之计在于春”，春天，是植树造林的好季节。今天，我们也要去植树了，这是多么令人高兴的事呀!现在我们相聚在这里，亲手种植纪念树，由衷的表达对学校的感情;可谓是意义重大，又令人感慨万千。

植树造林的好处很多，意义重大。树，它不仅能防风固沙，保持水土，还能美化我们的校园环境。它用它特有的颜色为我们永职披上绿色的新装。这个忠诚的卫士，为了美化大自然，还真做了不少的“工作”呢!它不仅可以保护、改善环境，而且有利于社会生产的发展，可以为我们直接提供木材和林副产品。

今天我们去植树，还有更深刻的意义。的我们将迎来学院校庆80周年为表达我们对学院的辉煌历史喝彩，和学院美好明天的祝福我们特意种植班级纪念树。

种植纪念树，是绿化校园，美化生活，也是表达我们的祝福和希望;更是代表我们的感恩与梦想。同时，它还是我们青春岁月的纪念和见证!

种植纪念树，母校的一草一木，都会给曾经的每一个学子，留下深刻的和无限的怀想。

种植纪念树，挂班牌，自然引发我们对未来的自由畅想：再过若干年，我们再来相会，那时的母校一定会更美;再过若干年，我们来相会，你我的成绩，一定会让母校由衷欣慰!

让我们一起加入到校园文明建设中，树立“植绿、护绿、爱绿”的绿色文明理念，以实际行动为学院校庆增光添彩!

篇4：青春励志精彩演讲稿

《甘于奉献，点燃烈火青春》。

让青春烈火燃烧永恒，让生命闪电划过天边，用所有热情换回时间，让年轻的梦没有终点!我非常欣赏《烈火青春》里面的这段话，并一直用它激励自己的学习、工作和生活。

我认为，青春就应该燃烧，发出亮光才有价值!人的一生可能燃烧也可能腐朽，既然这样，我不愿腐朽，也不能腐朽，我愿意燃烧起来!在座的朋友们!你们愿意吗?

青春，是我们一生中最美丽的季节，她孕育着早春的生机，展现着盛夏的热烈，暗藏着金秋的硕实，昭示着寒冬的希望，充满诗意而不缺乏拼搏的激情，时尚浪漫而又饱含着奋斗的艰辛。当一个人的青春融汇到一个时代、一份事业中，这样的青春就不会远去，而这份事业也必将在岁月的历练中折射出耀眼的光芒。

说到这里，我想起了这样一句话：“有的人活着，他已经死了;有的人死了，他还活着。”生命的意义在于活着,那么活着的意义又是什么呢?当然不是为了活着而活着，答案只有两个字，奉献!我们可以设想一下，不付出、不创造、不追求，这样的青春必然在似水年华中渐渐老去，回首过往，没有痕迹，没有追忆，人生四处弥漫着叹息。我想，这绝对不是我们存在的意义。古往今来，有无数能人志士在自己的青春年华就已经成就了不朽的人生，在这里我来不及一一列举。可是，有一个人的名字我却不能不提，他是我们永远的学习榜样，一个最平凡最无私也是最伟大的人。大家知道他是谁吗?这个传奇人物就是雷锋，他告诫我们说：“ 青春啊，永远是美好的，可是真正的青春，只属于那些永远力争上游的人，永远忘我劳动的人，永远谦虚的人!”我想在座的每一位包括我自己都可以成为这样的人。青春不是人生的一段时期，而是心灵的一种状况。如果你的心灵很年青，你就会常常保持许多梦想，在浓云密布的日子里，依然会抓住瞬间闪过的金色阳光。 我们虽出生于不同的年代，工作在不同的岗位，但我们拥有一个共同的家，在这里，我们信守同样的企业精神，写下同样的奉献承诺，拥有同样的壮美青春。这是一次演讲，更是一次告白。当我满带着青春的气息，怀揣着沉甸甸的梦想与信念站在这里的那刻，我的内心是如此的坦荡与激昂，那种难以形容的兴奋与紧张，我真诚的邀请你们一同分享。

曾子曰：“士不可以不弘毅，任重而道远。”作为青年人，一个国家、一个民族的希望所在，心中无不闪烁着梦想，那么现在就是我们努力实现梦想的时候。当前，我厂正处于一个承前启后，继往开来的转折点，有一大批项目等着我们去建设，有一系列技术等着我们去攻关，有一大片市场等着我们去开拓，有一整套的经验等着我们去探索，我们要做的还有很多很多。纵使艰难险阻，也要努力前行：追求卓越，真诚回报，释放青春能量，点燃青春梦想。

或许我们成不了伟人，纵使我们平淡一生，但这都不要紧，群星闪烁时我们同样灿烂，这样的平凡其实是一种伟大。因为只有我们自己清楚，平凡的岗位需要我们付出，火热的生活需要我们的付出，构建整个和谐社会需要我们大家一起付出。

而这些付出无疑就是一种奉献，奉献不分大小，没有先后。我们的青春是有限的，有限的青春因为我们的奉献变得充实、久远。亲爱的朋友们，工作着是美丽的，凭着岁月赐与我们的年轻臂膀和满腔热情，全身心地投入到我们所追求的事业中吧，让我们悄悄的奉献，因为有团烈火正在这里燃烧! 我的演讲到此结束， 谢谢大家!

篇5：励志的精彩演讲稿

各位老师们、同学们：

大家上午好！我发言的题目是《正视挫折，走向成功》。

有一人，在他二十一岁时，做生意失败；二十二岁时，角逐美国州议员落选；二十四岁时，做生意再度失败；二十六岁时，他的情人离开人间；二十七岁时，一度精神崩溃；三十四岁时，角逐美国联邦众议员再度落选；四十五岁时，角逐美国联邦参议员落选；四十七岁时，提名副总统落选；四十九岁时，角逐美国联邦参议员再度落选。然而，就是这样一个屡战屡败的人，在他五十二岁时，当选美国第十六任总统！

这个人就是林肯。

成功者是需要坚韧的毅力和非凡的勇气的。一个人经历一些挫折并不是坏事情。“自古雄才多磨难，从来纨绔少伟男。”在我们成长的道路上，有坦途，也有坎坷；有鲜花，也有荆棘。在你伸手摘取美丽的鲜花时，荆棘同时会刺伤你的手。如果因为怕痛，就不愿伸手，那么对于这种人来说，再美丽的鲜花也是可望而不可及的。

成功永远属于挑战失败的人。我们拥有年轻，年轻没有失败。只要能战胜荆棘，战胜自己，即便是弄行得遍体鳞伤，至少也可以证明我们曾经奋斗过，我们不是挫折的奴隶！

同学们，在学习中你遇到过挫折吗？如测验不极格，考试不理想；这会儿对一道作文题目无从下笔，那会儿对一条数学难题毫无头绪，等等。这个时候，你就该正视挫折，永不言败，努力走向成功。林肯不也是经过九次沉重的打击，最后才当上总统的吗？

同学们，我们要对成功说：你不要来得太快，太容易，笑在最后才是最好的；我们要对挫折说：让暴风雨来得更猛烈些吧！面对成功，请一笑置之；面对挫折，请绽开从容的笑脸，挺直坚强的腰板吧！

谢谢大家，我的演讲完毕！

演讲稿范文关于励志（二）

亲爱的老师，同学们：

你们好！

从前，有四个非常瘦弱的男子，他们走进了非洲的一片茂密的丛林中，他们一起扛着一只非常沉重的大箱子，在丛林中艰难的一步步往前行走，他们此行的目的是为了跟随队长探险，他们对大箱子里面的东西也并不知道，他们只有一个目的，就是要走出丛林，将箱子交给队长的一个朋友。在路途中，因为队长突然患疾病，却因为没有医生救治，不幸长眠于丛林中了。在弥留之际，他意味深长的对同行的三位伙伴说演讲稿：“这是我亲手做的箱子，我现在没法行走了，只能拜托你们把它交给我的朋友手里，到达之后，你们会得到比金子还贵重的东西。”

说完之后，队长就去世了，他们在埋葬了队长之后，就扛着箱子继续赶路。随着时间的推移，他们的体力越来越耗尽，粮食也越来越少，当然，道路也越来越难走了。但是，他们总是在困难的时刻，想起队长的嘱咐，他们最终还是鼓起勇气，继续艰难的往前行走。

终于，皇天不负有心人，他们最终还是战胜了困难，走出了丛林，将箱子交给了队长的朋友。可是，队长的那个朋友对他们的突然到访感到很惊讶，原来，他根本就不知道队长会给他送去东西。于是，他们一起打开箱子一看，箱子里面装的居然是一堆无用的.木头！

故事讲完了，同志们，听到这个故事，您有什么感触呢？故事的表面看起来爱岗敬业演讲稿，队长给他们的只是一箱无用的木头。其实，他却给了他们行动的目的，使他们获得了“比金子还贵重的东西”――奋斗。从哲学角度上讲，人不同于其它动物之处，就在于人会励志向上，有奋斗精神，也具有高级思维能力。我们人类不能像其它动物一样浑浑噩噩地活着，人的行动必须有明确的目的和奋斗的目标。

在座的各位朋友们，听完这篇故事，你是否找到自己奋斗的目标，如果没有，赶紧寻找自己的目标吧，因为有了目标，人生才能完美，有了目标，才有奋斗的方向，让我们共同为了自己的目标而奋斗吧，我的演讲完毕，谢谢大家！

演讲稿范文关于励志（三）

亲爱的老师、同学们：

你们好！

我骄傲，因为我是农民的儿子！家境的贫寒塑造了一个刚强的我；山村的闭塞，惊醒了我，唯有知识才能扫除愚昧，读书读书，读出书来才是出路，二十多年的风雨历程，造就了那份执着的信念：活在当下，做“字”当头，除了奋斗，我别无选择！

几多欢笑几多忧愁，几多风雨几多春秋。不为包子馒头，只图活着争口气！农家娃特有的豪爽、质朴，以及生生不息的强大精神力量，时刻鼓舞着我，鞭策着我。除了奋斗，我别无选择！

困难是挺拔的大山，那我就是勤劳的愚公，挖山不止；困难是坚硬的磐石，那我就是那晶莹的水滴，水滴石穿；困难是那汹涌的大海，那我就是那高扬的云帆，直达彼岸。

除了奋斗，我别无选择！

贫穷，可以锻炼人的性格，磨练人的意志。我是土生土长的农家娃，父母用他们的血汗供我读书，用美德教育我做人。我不指望什么出人头地，使得自己取得多大的成绩，有多大的作为，只想尽自己最大的努力，对得起生我养我的那--天地间最善良、最真诚、最无私的父母心！

生而贫穷并无过，死而贫穷才遗憾！不能做有钱人的子孙，但是我们可以做有钱人的祖先。穷是我奋发向上的动力，乐是我精神食粮的宝藏，值是我今生拼博的汗水。穷则变，变则通，通则达！唯其行动，方能结出硕果；唯有奋斗，才会变得富有。除了奋斗，我别无选择！

奋斗是实现崇高理想的坚实阶梯；奋斗，是实现自身价值的唯一出路！出路出路，走出来才是路！除了奋斗，我别无选择！

山的高大，是因为有广阔的草原；弄潮儿的无畏，是因为脚下有滚滚的波涛。骆驼的坚韧是因为有浩翰的沙漠，雄鹰的矫健是因为有无际的蓝天，瀑布的美丽是因为有碧绿的水潭。既然选择了远方就要风雨兼程，既然选择了太阳，留给地面的就是阴影；既然承诺了颠峰，就要勇敢攀登；既然承诺了天空就要振翅翱翔；既然承诺了彼岸，就要力挽狂澜；既然选择了人生，就要付出赤诚！

路漫漫其修远兮，吾将上下而求索。乘风破浪会有时，直挂云帆济沧海！相信自己，选择永远大于努力！人生曲折起伏，必须真诚面对，从容解决，走好人生每一步！没有理由更不须借口。想拥有先付出，想成功先目标，低着头，一直往前冲…靠实力赢得自尊！

除了奋斗，我别无选择！我的演讲完毕，谢谢大家！

篇6：精彩英语励志演讲稿

《Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain Speech》

Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech)， at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .

President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, “The Sinews of Peace”.

Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.

篇7：精彩英语励志演讲稿

精彩英语励志演讲稿

《Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain Speech》

Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, （the Iron Curtain Speech）， at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .

President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, “The Sinews of Peace”.

Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.

篇8：关于青春励志演讲稿精彩

尊敬的老师、同学们：

大家早上好!

很久以前，人类就幻想拥有翅膀能像鸟儿一样飞越高山，飞越大海去追寻心中的梦想。今天，人类仍无翅膀，但我们每一个人的心中都有翅膀，都在不知疲惫地飞向自己理想的家园，我心中的翅膀正在教育的领空展翅飞翔。

因为年轻，便有好多好多离奇的思绪，因为年轻，便有好多好多美妙的幻想。年轻的翅膀好绚丽，年轻的翅膀想飞翔。

我要飞进学生的心灵。“不热爱学生的教师不是好教师”，这是我想的。无数优秀教师的实践证明：教师对学生的爱能使师生在心理上接近起来，能在师生间架起一座互相信任的桥梁。自从当上教师，我就想当一位新型的教师，一位学生喜爱的教师，但到目前不止，我没有做到，上周，我们学校进行了一次学生评老师的活动，在开展活动前，我就在想：对于我这样的一个在校内四处叮人的“蜂子”，学生会对你有好印象吗?结果出来了，心里有说不出的滋味，尽管274份问卷，对我最满意率超过90%，尽管我是竭力用一颗真爱去感化学生，但出乎我意料之外的是居然有3票对我不满意，这就说明我还未飞进每一位学生的心灵，同时好使我悟出：老师应用尊重、真诚、理解的心去热爱每一片绿叶，让每一片绿叶上都撒满阳光，让每一片绿叶上都有跳跃的音符。“走进学生，走进学生的心灵吧!”

飞向先进的行列、飞向课改的前沿、飞进学生的心灵，年轻的翅膀承负着一份份厚重与博大，因为年轻的翅膀只有飞翔才能寻求平衡的支撑，不飞，翅膀就会退化，不飞，生命就会枯萎。

翅膀不能停止飞翔，生命更不能停止飞翔。教育的领空为我们这些年轻的教师提供了广阔的天空。让我们飞出蓝天白云的空间，飞出海阔天空的舞台，我们的生命将永远年轻而美丽!

我的演讲完毕，谢谢大家!

篇9：勤奋励志演讲稿精彩

尊敬的领导、老师们、亲爱的同学们：

下午好! 作为高三班主任代表在这里发言，我倍感荣幸。

我发言的题目是《相信自己!竭尽全力，决胜高考》 今天，我们我们离高考仅有一百天!一百天，对于我们来讲，说短很短，眨眼即逝。朱自清先生在文章

《匆匆》中有这么一段文字：“ 6 7 6 7洗手的时候，日子从水盆里过去;吃饭的时候，日子从饭碗里过去;默默时，便从凝然的双眼前过去。我觉察他去的匆匆了，伸出手遮挽时，他又从遮挽着的手边过去， 6 7 6 7”，那么，“在逃去如飞的日子里，在千门万户的世界里”，我们能做些什么呢? 曾经有这么一个小故事：有人问三个正在砌砖头的工人：“你们在做什么?”第一个工人回答说：“我在砌砖头。”第二个回答说：“我在赚工资。”第三个回答说：“我在建造这个世界上最富有特色的房子。”简短的回答，各人的工作态度跃然纸上：第一个工人是为工作而工作;第二个是为赚钱而工作;第三个则是为创造未来实现梦想而工作。后来，前两个人一生都只是个普普通通的砌砖工人，而第三个人却成了知名的建筑师。从这个故事中我们不难领会到时下流行的一句话：态度决定高度。12 年寒窗苦读，12 年厉兵秣马，汗水夹着泪水，梦想携着希望，都将在这一百天的大战中接受考验，百日后的你将达到怎样高度，完全取决于这百日中你所持的态度。 大家都很崇拜的周杰伦，也是我们年轻人的榜样。三岁时就确立了自己音乐梦想的他，音乐之路并不是一帆风顺的，高中毕业后，被一家公

司的老板请去当音乐制作助手，写的歌曲，老板一首也看不上，一直在公司里坐着冷板凳，但他仍然坚持着，甚至接受了一连十天创作50 首歌曲这样常人根本无法想象的任务，并且凭着坚韧的意志完成得很出色，自此，才有了我们耳熟能详的《龙卷风》、《东风破》、《双截棍》、《青花瓷》等歌曲。正如周杰伦自己所言：“明星梦并非遥不可及，任何人都能够做到。我之所以能有今天，是我永不服输的结果。”与周杰伦相比，我们的起点也不差，要想取得高考的胜利，在这一百天里，我们也要有周杰伦那种永不放弃、百折不挠的韧劲儿，相信，只要我们坚持住，任何困难都会在我们面前趴下! 在非洲，瞪羚每天早晨醒来时，他知道自己必须跑得比最快的狮子还要快，否则就会被狮子抓住而吃掉!而当狮子每天早晨醒来时，他知道自己必须追上跑得最慢的瞪羚!否则就会因为饥饿而失去性命!所以，不管你是瞪羚还是狮子，当太阳升起时，你最好要开始奔跑! 好小子林书豪，又是怎样给世界球坛带来“林旋风”的呢?热爱篮球运动的同学当然清楚：林书豪是六十年来 NBA 球员中学历组高的——哈佛大学经济系毕业生，并且是华人。在尼克斯队中曾经是替补中的替补队员，但他做到了今天的成就，不就是靠自己的信念和坚持，竭尽 2 全力，训练自己的技术和能力，当机会将临时，便一鸣惊人，战胜自己，战胜对手，带领尼克斯队连战连捷，为球坛带来“林旋风”，也因此让英语词汇增加了一个词条“林旋风”! 美国西雅图流传一个猎狗追逐兔子的寓言：一个猎人一枪击中了兔子的后腿，受伤的兔子拼命地逃生，猎狗在其后穷追不舍。可是最终却让兔子逃脱了，猎狗回来后挨了猎人的骂，很委屈

地辩解说：“我已经尽力了。”谁也不会想到兔子逃脱的理由：“它是尽力而为，我是竭尽全力呀!他没有追上我，最多挨顿骂，而我若不竭尽全力地跑，可就没有命了呀!”是啊，要想战胜别人，你得先战胜自己。往往阻碍我们前进的，不是敌人，而是我们自己。任何事情竭尽全力，就会有意想不到的结果。心理学家指出，一般人的潜能只开发了10%左右，90%的潜能还处于睡眠状态，而50%的潜能就可以背诵400 本教科书，就可以学完十几所大学的课程。应对高考，我们伏案苦读，我们斗志昂扬，谁要想在这场没有硝烟的战场中出类拔萃、创造奇迹，仅仅做到尽力而为还远远不够，必须“竭尽全力”才可以。 100 天，是激情燃烧的 100 天，顽强拼搏的 100 天，更是梦想成真的 100 天，奇迹迭出的 100 天。为了高考鲤鱼跃龙门这个理想，我们披星戴月、披荆斩棘，我们阅读过可以累成山的书籍，有过成绩飞落的泪水，也有成绩步步上升的喜悦，十年磨一剑，今朝试锋芒。我们要有亮剑精神!亮剑精神就是不管你面对什么样的对手，首先要敢于亮出自己的宝剑。同学们，我们虽然不是为高考而生，更不会为高考而死，但它已经挡在我们前进的路上，我们就要跨过去。高考其实和人生一样，三分凭运气，七分靠打拼，爱拼才会赢，敢拼一定赢。从现在起，我们不要怨天尤人，我们要相信自己，前进一步，如果不够，就再向前一步。谁能在这百日里气守丹田，屏息凝神，超越自我;谁能在这百日里拿出一腔“时人不识凌云木，只待凌云始道高” 的壮志;谁能在这百日里真正体会到“宝剑锋从磨砺出，梅花香自苦寒来”的真谛;谁能咬紧牙关，接受上天“苦其心志，劳其筋骨”的考验，谁就能在高

考考场上“万军过独木，绝尘占鳌头”!相信自己，告诉自己“我能行!” 时光像离弦之箭，随风而逝;岁月如东去之水，永不回头。过去九百多天的日子里，我们一起走过，未来的百日，我们将继续一起摸爬滚打。同学们，请相信，老师是你们永远的支持!作为高三教师，我们将尽情施展点石成金、化腐朽为神奇的教学艺术，我们将热情投入我们的爱心，更加关注你们学习上的每一个足迹，尽力促进你们哪怕是小小的进步。在距离高考仅有的 100 天的时间里，我们要坚定自己的信念，咬紧牙关，快马加鞭。山可撼，地可摇，但我们的激情与勇气不可消，我们的执着与追求不能变。我坚信，只要我们竭尽全力，定会在没有硝烟的战场上奏响我们的凯歌，只要我们竭尽全力，定会在有限的时间里书写我们的辉煌。“苦心人，天不负，卧薪尝胆，三千越甲可吞吴;有志者，事竟成，破釜沉舟，百二秦关终属楚。”让我们奋斗一百天，让飞翔的梦在六月张开翅膀，让雄心与智慧在六月闪光。 3 最后，用一幅对联让我们一起共勉： 十年寒窗埋头苦读隐众雀之列， 他日沙场争霸鳌头立群鹤之首。

祝愿我们的高三学子在20xx年高考中谱写辉煌!谢谢大家!

【勤奋励志演讲稿(四)】

读书励志演讲稿 一提到读书的话题，我们就会想起这样一些名言：书籍是全人类的营养品;书是人类进步的阶梯;书犹如药也，可以医愚……，从这些耳熟悉能详的名言中，我们不难看出书对于我们人类有多么重要。是的，书是知识的载体，书是前进道路上的指南针，书是我们探索未知领域的一把钥匙。那么，我们究竟应该怎样对待书呢?不言而喻，我们应该认真刻苦，一丝不苟地去仔细阅读，就像饥饿的人爬在面包上一样。

“读一本好书，就像是同一位高尚的人谈话，”这是著名作家高尔基对读一本好书的形象写照。对于我们新世纪的青年来说，也要像他那样，要选择那些对我们有益的书来读。如我国的四大古典小说，《平凡的世界》《钢铁是怎样炼成的》《牛虻》等等。通过读这些好书，可以促使我们树立远大的理想，可以增长我们的见识，可以开阔我们的视野，可以陶冶我们的情操，可以改变我们的命运。读书既然有这样多的好处，那我们何乐而不为呢?

让我们充分利用起分分秒秒的时间，去读书吧。读鲁迅，我们就要做一个真的猛士，敢于直面惨淡的人生，敢于正视淋漓的鲜血;读李白，我们就要有长风破浪会有时，直挂云帆济沧海的壮志;读苏东坡，我们就要有顺其自然随遇而安的那份从容;读杜甫，我们就要有安得广厦千万间，大庇天下寒士俱欢颜的爱心;读孟子，我们就要有威武不能屈，贫贱不能移的气节;读范仲淹，我们就要有先天下之忧而忧，后天下之乐而乐的情怀。

老师们，同学们，周恩来总理在他的少年时代，就提出了为中华之崛起而读书的豪迈誓言，今天的我们更应该为中华的腾飞而读书。当前我们正处在一个科技日新月异发展的时代，改革开放的潮流势不可挡，世界已进入由知识经济取代传统经济的关键时刻。我们作为新世纪的青年，一定要树立远大的理想，培养高尚的道德品质，努力学习科学文化知识，为中华民族的复兴做出自己应有的贡献。 书中自有智慧屋，书中自有灵感出，书中自有好前途。希望我们每一个同学都能在这个人杰地灵的地方，读好书，做好人，立长志，把自己塑造成国家的栋梁之才。

一提到读书的话题，我们就会想起这样一些名言：书籍是全人类的营养品;书是人类进步的阶梯;书犹如药也，可以医愚……，从这些耳熟悉能详的名言中，我们不难看出书对于我们人类有多么重要。是的，书是知识的载体，书是前进道路上的指南针，书是我们探索未知领域的一把钥匙。那么，我们究竟应该怎样对待书呢?不言而喻，我们应该认真刻苦，一丝不苟地去仔细阅读，就像饥饿的人爬在面包上一样。

“读一本好书，就像是同一位高尚的人谈话，”这是著名作家高尔基对读一本好书的形象写照。对于我们新世纪的青年来说，也要像他那样，要选择那些对我们有益的书来读。如我国的四大古典小说，《平凡的世界》《钢铁是怎样炼成的》《牛虻》等等。通过读这些好书，可以促使我们树立远大的理想，可以增长我们的见识，可以开阔我们的视野，可以陶冶我们的情操，可以改变我们的命运。读书既然有这样多的好处，那我们何乐而不为呢?

让我们充分利用起分分秒秒的时间，去读书吧。读鲁迅，我们就要做一个真的猛士，敢于直面惨淡的人生，敢于正视淋漓的鲜血;读李白，我们就要有长风破浪会有时，直挂云帆济沧海的壮志;读苏东坡，我们就要有顺其自然随遇而安的那份从容;读杜甫，我们就要有安得广厦千万间，大庇天下寒士俱欢颜的爱心;读孟子，我们就要有威武不能屈，贫贱不能移的气节;读范仲淹，我们就要有先天下之忧而忧，后天下之乐而乐的情怀。

老师们，同学们，周恩来总理在他的少年时代，就提出了为中华之崛起而读书的豪迈誓言，今天的我们更应该为中华的腾飞而读书。当前我们正处在一个科技日新月异发展的时代，改革开放的潮流势不可挡，世界已进入由知识经济取代传统经济的关键时刻。我们作为新世纪的青年，一定要树立远大的理想，培养高尚的道德品质，努力学习科学文化知识，为中华民族的复兴做出自己应有的贡献。 书中自有智慧屋，书中自有灵感出，书中自有好前途。希望我们每一个同学都能在这个人杰地灵的地方，读好书，做好人，立长志，把自己塑造成国家的栋梁之才。

【勤奋励志演讲稿(五)】

尊敬的各位老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家好! 我是高二(9)班的赵咏诗。我演讲的题目是《致我们风华正茂的青春》。

萨特说：“青春这玩意儿真是妙不可言，外部放射出红色的光辉，内部却什么也感觉不到。”青春是寂寞的丛林，潜伏着葱茏的野心;青春是奇谲的梦，张狂恣肆快意恩怨!青春纯情又张扬，恍惚中，它矫情又赧然。我们在青春的洪流中肤浅着，唯恐某种STYLE将我们打包并冷笑着给你一耳光：你“OUT”了„„那么，青年，你有否为了迎合时尚在2和特立独行中渐行渐远，你是否被迫在游戏和装逼中浮沉，失去自我„„不!青春，应当在拓进中血痕斑斑，流着泪摘取成就的桂冠!青春，要奔涌热血以澎湃青葱岁月，奔放激情以满溢岁月情怀!少年，青春，就是如此本色!

青春是执子之手，与子偕老，终日沉醉于灯红酒绿吗?又或是游手好闲，无所事事，甘愿庸碌沉沦吗?青春是有限的，不能在犹豫和观望中度过!那么，疯狂吧，在这最美的年华里!因为谁都只有这几年新鲜，谁都输不起!

我们的青春应该是汗水在挥洒，是热血在奔腾，是失败后倒下再爬起来的资本，更是面对峰回路转，披荆斩棘，举步探索的毅力。

青春因历经挫折而丰美。

巴尔扎克说：“挫折和不幸，是天才的晋升之阶，是信徒的洗礼之水，是能人的无价之宝，是弱者的无底之渊。艾弗森是篮球上最矮的巨人，当他第一次踏上NBA球场的地板时，每个人在打量他的身材后，都告诉他：1.83米，你永远无法主宰这里!他灵魂中反叛所蕴含的青春，言行的狂妄无礼，不计后果，语惊四座。“他们不可能打倒我，除非杀了我。而任何不能杀了我的人，只能让我更坚强!”话语一出，覆水难收，你就得实现，不能让别人拿你当懦夫，你就得拼搏，你就得战斗!像艾弗森、詹姆斯、科比一样经历挫折，却永不言败，那么，举起的篮球终会投入篮筐，扬帆的船终会到达彼岸。

青春因拼搏而充实。

人生没有彩排，每天都是现场直播。你甘心于别人都在做幸福的守望者，自己却一事无成吗?你甘心于别人耕耘出金黄的麦浪，自己却青春梦碎吗?萧伯纳说：青春是美妙的，挥霍青春就是在犯罪。你感觉到负债累累了吗?前路坎坷就放弃吗?布满荆棘就畏惧吗?少年，你是废物吗?做自己的事儿，让别人吐槽去吧，让他们别有用心去吧。或许我们是失去了一些东西，但还没有失去宝贵的青春。珍惜青春，因为我们正用汗水见证着成长，用笔头丈量着价值，拥抱青春的我们在这原本荒凉的土地上将创造青春的奇迹，唱响生命的绝唱。而如果我们不创造，不付出，不追求，那这样的青春必将稍纵即励志演讲稿逝。回首年少轻狂的昨天，没有追忆，人生渺茫，这绝对不能是我们应该经历的青春选择!

让我们的青春斗志昂扬，让我们的青春意气风发，朝着阳光的方向生长。正当似火年华，拼吧!奏响在白中激情澎湃的生命交响曲，抒写在白中淋漓酣畅的青春华篇。再不疯狂我们就老了!再不疯狂青春就荒了!趁着年轻，向上吧，白塔中学的少年!向上吧，中国的少年!那么，疯狂吧!在这最美的年华里!致我们最最可爱、最最可贵、最可经营的风华正茂的青春!

我的演讲完毕，谢谢大家!

篇10：青春励志精彩演讲稿

青春和梦想一直是现代人的主题，少年时期，期盼青春，规划梦想;青春时候，赞美青春，成就梦想;老年时期，回忆青春，感受梦想。我们歌颂青春，歌颂梦想。青春是激情的，而梦想是神圣的、迷茫的。

青春就像春天，就像早晨，充满生机和活力。青春是人生最梦幻的年龄，在这个阶段，我们充满激情，有着无限的力量;在这一阶段，我们雄心壮志，展翅高飞;在这个阶段，我们勇敢无畏，用年轻的心去拥抱创造力。

青春与梦想一起飞翔!

如果

你期待着天空

那么成长吧

不知不觉中

你会发现自己成为一棵参天大树

或

一簇鲜花，给世界带来芬芳和美丽

即使

你长成了一棵小草

你也会看到

因为有了成千上万的你

才有了这青翠的山!

对于青春，我们曾说过，要珍惜光阴，青春励志，努力实现梦想。但实际上，我们都是这样做的吗。

同学们，作为新时代的学生，我们正处在人生的黄金时期，有着丰富的知识。雷锋曾经说过：“青春啊，永远是美好的。可真正的青春只属于那些永远力争上游的人，永远忘我劳动的人，永远谦虚的人。”把握青春，方能成就梦想。

学习的道路上，我们应该认真学习，学习科学和文化知识，成为一个有知识的人。在人际交往方面，我们应该真诚待人，参加有意义的社会活动或文学活动，锻炼自己的综合素质。我们要谦虚，脚踏实地。让我们丰富我们的大学生活，为将来的成就打下坚实的基础。

雄关漫道真如铁，而今迈步从头跃。同学们，请不要做无聊的人，认为自己一无所有，只有青春。当你拥有青春的时候却浪费青春，而不去把握青春，那么，你仍然一无所有。

让我们走在青春的道路上，用辛勤的汗水和智慧浇灌人生，用行动来珍惜青春。

“纸上得来终觉浅，绝知此事要躬行”，没有行动的支持，就不能真正把握青春，所有的梦想都会成为泡影。

少年智则国智，少年强则国强。青年一代是国家的希望，也是祖国的脊梁!我们一定要把握青春，成就梦想!

让我们用行动作为青春的号角，向着梦想，勇往直前!

谢谢大家!

篇11：三分钟精彩演讲稿励志

学们：

大家好!我演讲的题目是：《我不是一张牌》。

大家一定都有玩扑克的经验。

每副扑克有四种花色共54张。

每张牌捏在我们的手中，它们的命运也掌握在其中，就连“大王”和“小王”也无法主宰自己的命运。

有时，我也在想，我们这场人生是否也是一盘牌局?我们每个人是否都如命运掌握在别人手里的扑克牌?回顾十几年的成长历程，在家里，要受父母的管制，有时甚至是厉声的呵斥;在学校里，要受纪律的约束，老师的训导;长大了参加工作又要受社会环境的限制，而不能由自己的意愿干你我想干的`事。

十一二岁，在儿时的憧憬里，该是一个充满阳光的辉煌灿烂的季节，然而，当你自己亲身乘上这趟列车，又常会感到身不由己。

就拿考试来说吧，考好了，家长会把你当宝贝，对你寄予的希望也就越大!早上牛奶，晚上咖啡，似乎牛奶加咖啡就能把一个普通的人灌概成人才，甚至一条虫也能变成龙或凤!老师们提起你时也往往带着一种自豪的口气，脸上会泛起一阵欣慰的笑容，左邻右舍碰到你，也会瞅个没够，说个没完。

那真是横着看你有出息，竖着看你前途无量;左看你是个人才，右看你是个栋梁。

而当你付出汗水和努力后却未有收获的时候呢?家长虽只轻轻地说一句：“考大学可是你唯一的选择啊!”但你听起来却感觉好沉重好压抑;老师不会说什么，只是用一种期待的目光定定地盯着你，一直盯得你好惭愧好内疚;左邻右舍呢?他们也不过在与你擦身而过的一刹那，用一种令他自己也解释不清楚的神色瞅着你，那神情，足以令你原本伤感的心辛酸得掉泪!

我们随别人喜而喜，随别人忧而忧。

如此说来，你我果真都成了一张扑克牌，一张任别人揉捏、任别人摆弄的扑克牌?没有自己的主张，没有自己的愿望，更没有自己的自尊。

就这样一生摆脱不了别人的支配与选择?

果真这样吗?

不!我在心里这样对自己说：我们绝不是一张扑克牌!

扑克毕竟没有思维，而我们，却是一群有着高级思维能力的活生生的人啊!我本该拥有与扑克截然不同的人生!自己的历史靠自己去书写，自己的青春靠自己去创造，自己的世界靠自己去闯!而不是像牌那样在冥冥中失去自我! 谢谢大家!

篇12：精彩励志的演讲稿

精彩励志的演讲稿

篇1：失败与希望

尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：

大家好！

失望是什么?我们是否逃避了就没有了失望?希望是什么，难道就那样遥远?摆脱冬天最后一层冰雪的桎梏，春天再次开启四季的轮回之门;摆脱蛹中的最后一次挣扎，终于破茧为蝶;同样，摆脱失望的最后一秒，我们就会迎来下一次希望!人们习惯赋予春天温柔的性格，殊不知，他经过了夏、秋、冬的蜕变;人们也习惯于观看蝴蝶的翩翩起舞，殊不知他经过了多次挣扎!他们美好的希望不是凭空产生的，而是付出了垂死的漫长挣扎!事物的联系是普遍存在的，所以说失望无处不在，希望随后就到来!生活不是呆板的平面画，而是立体的雕塑;不是平静的海底，而是波光粼粼的湖面。所以说希望总与失望长伴，它们是双胞胎，他们是人与影子，从不分离。这就是规律，是不可违背的客观规律!失望时，愚昧的人会感伤和叹息;而明智的人会向上攀登。矛盾是对立统一的，遵循规律的人获得成功，不理它的人宣告又一次沮丧!

失望并不可怕，怕的是不会运用失望。失望并不可怕，怕的是违反矛盾的特性;失败并不可怕，怕的是等到了倒数第二秒而放弃了最后!我们的意识要有超前性，黎明前的黑暗是给我们更好的期望，我们不可能到了黎明就不迎接明天!

年轻人在希望中生活，为什么不呢?人生长河，哪个人是一帆风顺?有几个人又是平步青云?青春之所以美好，是因为希望是你的锦绣，是你灿烂的前程，挺过了这一秒，迎接你的，也许是另一番天地!我们要有良好的意志，正确的意识具有能动作用!凡是行百里者，必须经过九十步!

希望在前，我们能不断向前。这一秒不要失望，我们下一秒就有希望!

是的!在人生中有许多的事情让人欲哭，甚至欲绝望!比如，被人误解，友谊破裂……这些事情我们别无选择地承受!我们哭，我们伤心，那么之后呢?之后是否就把阳光和欢乐拒之门外?别人误会你了，你难道连自己也不相信?朋友离开你，你难道连自己也遗弃?经历风雨后就有许多怡人的风景!是的!生活有时捉弄人，就像大人逗小孩一样，抢走孩子手中的糖块，孩子哭了，大人觉得可笑。其事实上，上帝并不像大人捉弄孩子，它对每个人都是公平的，他留给了你失望，在前面的不远处一定就留了希望!坚持下去吧!拨开重雾吧!这一秒不失望，下一秒就有希望!

我们渴望成功，渴望着像盖茨、戴尔一样富有!“一将功成万骨枯”，在现实世界里，盖茨、戴尔这样的幸运儿有几人? 20世纪最伟大的励志成功大师拿破仑·希尔深信：“失败”是大自然的对人类的严格考验，它借此烧掉人们心中的残渣，使人类这块“金属”因此而变得更加纯净。他忠告道：“命运之轮在不断地旋转，如果它今天带给我们的是悲哀，明天它将为我们带来喜悦”。既然这样，我们还有什么理由失望?

爱迪生发明电灯泡，前后实验千余次;曹雪芹著《红楼梦》先后十余年!勾践尝胆复国!没有坚定的意志，如何有希望?生活中不如意，我们可以哭，但不可以失望!“山重水复疑无路，柳暗花明又一村”，我们谁也不知道今后会发生什么?但是有一点可以肯定，希望是有的!上帝既然不吝啬给你挑战，也一定不吝啬给你希望!

失望是什么?是希望前的曙光!希望是什么?是失望的产儿!生活就是有希望与失望结合的.彩练!朋友!当你沮丧时，还有什么理由不勇往直前?一次次的失败，就像黑夜里的明灯，指引你到达成功的彼岸!让我们笑对失望，因为有希望在等待!

篇2：农村学生励志演讲稿

尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：

大家好！

×年前，在长江中游北岸的一个叫“××”的村子里，有个××岁的矮个男孩默默承受着“鸡立鹤群”的痛楚与焦灼。那时，他正迷恋上一种叫“哲学”的东西，在读到“人的外貌其实就是广告”的哲言后，男孩紧握双拳向命运呐喊：“把广告砸了，我要靠质量取胜!”

那个男孩就是我，一个身材不高心却比天高的矮男人。163厘米，够惨的吧!即使再高10厘米，也还是跳不过时下前卫姑娘们设置的冷艳的“爱情栏杆”。在我的记忆中，我给人的第一印象总不妙，我说这话的依据是许多人在初次与我照面眼睛就不争气地向我“泄了密”。对此，我早已习惯。孔大圣人都曾有过“以貌取人失之子羽”思维定势上的失误，这使我愈发不能苛求曾经误解过我的人了。多年来，我只想竭我所能憋足一口气，多做些“败絮其外，金玉其中”的事来，为那些仍在“为貌所困”的人们送上一袋“壮骨冲剂”，更为那些“重感觉而忽略思辨，重形式而疏于内容”的原始浅见早日远离我们的文明社会尽点绵薄之力。?

××岁刚出头那年，已是海军某部文书的我开始把一些感悟织成文字，再把文字裸露在报纸杂志上。一天，我去拜见一位先我几年“裸露文字”并已小有名气的××，寒暄一阵后，他便指着当天报纸上一篇署有我的名字的文章问道：“这是你弄的?”“是。”我答。“就你也能写文章……”再问时已是满脸的不屑与狐疑。我默然了，脸上像被扇了重重的一巴掌。当时，我差点跟他蹿了：鲁迅、济慈、康德还没到一米六，还不照样荣为一代巨人吗?长长竹竿晒衣裳，短短笔杆才写文章呢!但我最终还是隐忍了。我知道，任何的引经据典都是乏力而稚拙的，只有沉默，只有在沉默中搏出点真正令他瞠目的实绩，才是我最有力的辩驳和宣言。

或许正是那次椎心的睥睨，矮，居然不再被我视为人生的负累和伤疤了。在这以前的岁月里，我的生命之船是超载的，因为我总是设法用诸如“走路爱往高处蹿”这种避讳的消极手段去扞卫敏感脆弱的自尊。那事以后，我不了。矮，奇迹般地成为我灵魂深处擂得山响撼我心魄的密集的鼓点，激发我重新唤醒内心真正的自尊。其时，我已明晰地领悟到歪瓜裂枣只有更香更甜，才能拥有市常外形不足，我就用生命的富矿独特的个性以及高洁的品德去诠释另一种别样的更为惊心的美!?

后来，我上了军校，在那个人才荟萃的熔炉里，我将“内秀”这个词演绎得美到极致，成为个头最矮却获奖最多发表文章也最多的全校“风云人物”。光全校演讲一等奖、优秀党员、优秀学员的证书就拿了一大摞，甚至连高个引以为荣矮个望尘莫及的5000米长跑优秀光荣榜上也有我的名字。毕业那天，一位人高马大的东北籍同学在我的纪念册上挥笔留言：“个小志大，人矮才高，海校浓缩的精品。”觉得意犹未尽，他又在下面摘抄了波斯诗人萨迪的一句诗：“你虽然轻视我的矮小，不要以为高大才是勇士。假如冲锋陷阵的时刻到来，瘦马远比肥牛更有价值。”读着这让我脸红却久久萦怀的赞赏，我想，或许它就是我一生中最为雄壮的鼓点吧!?

谢谢大家!

篇3：梦想的坚持

尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：

大家好！

坚持梦想，要付出什么样的代价呢?

因为有人期盼着我能独当一面，因为有人抱着胸等着看我笑话，更因为有个最严苛的自己在身后鞭策着不能后退半步。所以咬着一口气，拼了命成长，要做得好一点，更好一点。唯一困难的只是迈出第一步，然后，四面八方的力量都会推着你向前走下去。但我仍不觉得这是代价。更像是除了爱以外，能够证明我们真的活着的证据吧。

凌晨四点半，连夜宵摊都开始刷锅子，熄炉子，将凳子翻到小推车上，关灯收摊。

仍有工作，还不能睡。

想到父亲尚插着双臂，等待我叫苦连天，等待可以得意洋洋幸灾乐祸地说：看，谁让你不听我安排去企业当个安安稳稳的会计。一想到此，就连抱怨也不敢出口半句。

但这对我而言并不是一道选择题。

有两个姑娘的故事。

一个姑娘叫王若卉，曾经是张学友的歌舞剧《雪狼湖》的女主角。

三年前，她得了甲亢，一种让她的心跳比别人快两倍的病。

医生宣布：你不能唱歌，也不能跳舞。

不，她不相信。哪怕一天只能跳两个小时，哪怕只能跳一个小时，也要坚持下去。单亲的妈妈借了一间小屋子，布置成练功房，让她练习。

可是身体在变形，脸在变形。一个青春貌美的姑娘，眼见着镜子中的自己一点一点变丑陋，一点一点变臃肿。

放弃么?决不。她只是拉上了窗帘。

从此她成了一名黑暗中的舞者。只有自己一个观众的舞者。

三年后她重新登台，高歌一曲《我用所有报答爱》。

从她唱的第一个音开始，我觉得我的心都要碎了。

冯曦妤，一个屋村长大的女孩子，最最普通的香港家庭，吵吵嚷嚷热热闹闹，弟弟妹妹一大堆的大家庭。她是长女，最常见的那种非常有礼貌，帮衬家里忙里忙外的长女——一个懂事好孩子。

正是因为是好孩子，要懂事，不能提太无理的要求，所以中学毕业就出来做事贴补家用。

可是，她爱唱歌呢。

唱歌有什么用?唱歌能填饱肚子吗?唱歌要上音乐学院，要有老师教，要有包装——总之，唱歌是个很贵的事情。

没关系，就从录音室助理开始做起好了。

就这样，她16岁的时候成了一名录音助理。

后来有一天，突然有人发现她会唱歌。

你要不要唱唱看?

真的吗?好啊!

然后就有了《我在那一角落患过伤风》，以及《无间道》中的《警察再见》。

可是香港竞争这么激烈，你形象又不够靓，这可是个问题诶?

后来，她来参加声动亚洲这个节目，在台上哭了。

她哭着说：香港真的很少有机会能够登上舞台，可是，我真的，真的很喜欢唱歌。

我忍不住低低饮泣，捂着嘴不想让人发现。

这是一个好孩子，一个特别特别懂事的孩子，不想给人带来麻烦，总是希望能够帮到别人。

所谓好孩子，就是那种可以随时被牺牲掉，忽略掉他们感受的人，因为不在乎他们的感受也不会带来什么麻烦啊，因为他们都很温柔会体量的嘛。

世界上的好孩子，就是那个帮助妈妈烤松饼，但妈妈却奖励给顽皮的弟弟吃的那个。世界上的好孩子，就是少了一份蛋糕，但妈妈会把唯一的蛋糕给比较会哭闹的妹妹的那个。

世界上的好孩子总是没有礼物，但是这一次，我看到她有了，非常非常努力，终于这份努力不用分给大家，而是为了自己的梦想，得到的回报。

有个孩子问我：古越姐，你说，坚持梦想，要付出什么样的代价呢?

我想了想说：需要付出代价吗?

当一件事情，你觉得一定要做的时候，是不论如何都会去做的。不能直接干，也会迂回曲折地去做。

如果说代价，也只是会动摇的决心，和对自己的信心吧。

很多个夜里，直到今天都是这样，每夜每夜我都难以入睡，焦虑像火一样灼烧着五脏：写得不够好，积累太薄弱，处事不够圆润，做事太过粗心……枕巾上尽是断发。然而尚有许多工作，失眠也有罪。

因为有人期盼着我能独当一面，因为有人抱着胸等着看我笑话，更因为有个最严苛的自己在身后鞭策着不能后退半步。所以咬着一口气，拼了命成长，要做得好一点，更好一点。

唯一困难的只是迈出第一步，然后，四面八方的力量都会推着你向前走下去。

但我仍不觉得这是代价。更像是除了爱以外，能够证明我们真的活着的证据吧!

篇4：让青春在实践中飞翔

亲爱的老师、同学们：

大家好!社会实践刚刚结束，我带着记忆犹新的欣喜、感动和震憾站在这里，我演讲的题目是《让青春在实践中飞翔》。

上周，我们初二年级八个班的学生到新郑参加市教育局组织的社会实践活动。全方位军事化管理使我们充分体验了团队生活的严谨、艰辛、乐趣与感动。

在活动过程中，翻越逃生墙的项目是整个团队所面临的最大挑战了。同学们自动搭起人梯，奋力向上攀越，虽一次次跌落和失败，但同学们却永不放弃。不少同学的双肩被踩破了皮，却一声不响，低着头，继续用自己的臂膀支撑起同伴的生命，背后只是留下一块块伤痕和一个个脚印……他们把生的希望留给了别人，使在场的许多同学都流下了感动的泪水。那个场面，我毕生都将无法忘记。同学们团结、友爱、互助的精神，使我们度过了一道道难关，克服了一个个困难。若没有同伴的付出，就不会有整个团队的胜利!

我想，这就是团队的力量!一根筷子易折断，十根筷子坚如铁!团队的力量是伟大的，伟大的背后更隐藏着艰辛与磨砺。一个人经历风雨，不如大家一起抵挡风雨!

也许命运给了你不公平的待遇，也许生活给了你太多的磨难，也许你的天空在下雨，也许你的世界总是黑暗……但是，请不要悲观失望，不要消沉灰心，让大家和你一起面对吧!生命的过程是需要雕琢和磨砺的，大家一起承受，让友爱撒满内心，让力量驱走荆棘。那样，你的生命将不会褪色，团结的力量将陪伴着你，感动将一直围绕着你，精神之火将永不熄灭!

单丝不成线，独木不成林;一块块砖只有堆砌在一起才能成就万丈高楼;一滴水只有融入大海才能获得永存。是的，生活中可以没有轰轰烈烈的英雄，但是生活中不能没有团结、友爱的精神。一个人是社会的一个细胞，只有大家团结在一起，才能构成一个坚强的整体。

保尔曾经说过：“人最宝贵的东西是生命。生命对于我们只有一次。”在人生的旅途中，让我们背上团结、合作、超越自我的勇气，把它们装进我们飘洒活力的行囊，让青春在实践中飞翔!

篇5：青春的使命

尊敬的老师们，亲爱的天下们：

大家好!

五月四日，一个属于我们的节日——五四。青年节。

穿岁月峰头，伴历史云烟。中国共产主义青年团做过了86年的风雨历程。

清楚的了解到：195月4日，北京五千多名爱国主义学生在天安门前集会，并举行了声势浩大的游行。凭着一月空爱国肉血，他们不畏军警的镇压与逮捕，坚持抵抗北洋政府签署损害中国主权的《凡尔塞和约》，要求“外争国权，内惩国贼”。于是，丧心病狂的北洋政府竟大批逮捕学生》最终，激起了全国人民的愤怒。一场中国历史上空前规模的爱国运动轰轰烈烈爆发了。真正的勇士们用生命震荡出来的纯洁而又可贵的爱国之情取得了胜利。为止，母亲用共产主义为其命名—中国共青

1919年的青年已过，青春不会再回，年轮不会再回，历史不会再回，但她却永远记在中华民族的丰功碑上，闪烁着不休的光辉。

梁启超学生说得好：“少年智则国智，少年富则国富，少年强则国强，少年独立则国独立。”

同学们，你们说：天下匹夫“的下一向是什么

——不，是”我的责任“

“全国各族青年代表着祖国和民族的未来，代表着我们事业兴旺发达的希望，社会主义现代化的宏伟事业需要你们去建设，中华民族的伟大复兴将在你们手中实现。”

年轻没有什么不可以，心有多大，世界就有多大。人生短短几时载，不要给自己留有什么遗憾!

进入绚丽的花季，再穿过忧伤的雨季，然后我们踏入了五彩缤纷的青春世界。于是，我们张扬，我们痛快，我们狂傲，我们-------一如冰心说过：世界之所以有我们是因为它需要变得更美，青春的我们生命中有够多的云来造成一个美丽的黄昏。然而在生活——这个令人费解的局面前，很多事情我们无法左右，无法改变。于是，当暴风雨来临时，有些人俯首称臣，有些人逃之夭夭，但最终仍被吞噬。终于我明白鲁迅先生为何要呐喊，只因惨相实在无法目睹，尤其是青春的我们，肩负振兴中华的青年竟在小小的挫折面前而跌倒，成了生活中的苟活者。

青春是什么青春是整个人生旅站中最绚丽的一站，是最奇妙的一站，是最灿烂的年一站。青春孕育着无穷尽的能量去开采，去挖掘，去释放。每一个生命都是美丽的，最小的花也不会拒绝开放。

同学们，“青山遮不住，毕竟东流去。”只要我们理想还在，只要我们不轻言放弃，只要我们去微笑面对一切，我们依旧能更好地扬起生命的风帆。

我们是五月的花海，就该用青春拥抱时代;我们是初开的太阳，就该用生命来点燃未来。

亲爱的同学们，不，亲爱的青春朋友们，党在召唤，时代在召唤，让我们以崇高的理想，创新的意识，无畏的勇气“发挥青春的智慧，风采和力量吧!

在职教中心这一蓝天下，放飞青春，放飞理想，然后以年轻的名义微笑，成长。

谢谢大家!

篇13：小学生精彩励志演讲稿

亲爱的老师们，亲爱的学生们：

大家早上好。

我今天演讲的题目是《传递正能量，放飞青春》。

说到正能量这个词，我相信大家都不会觉得奇怪。它的知名度可以赶上前段时间“江南st二甲”的水平，但是想问问大家，它的广泛应用是否给大家带来了更深层次的思考。什么是真正的正能量？

有人可能会说，是实力，是追求，是进步。他全是好话，却不能给它一个完整的定义。所以今天我来说说我的理解。正能量代表积极向上的生活态度。如果生活是一座庄严的城堡，如果生活是一棵大树，如果生活是一只飞翔的海鸟。那么，正能量就是穹顶的梁柱，深深的根，扑翼。

没有正能量，生命的力量就会消失；没有正能量，生命的美好就会消逝。对于我们这些新来的青少年来说，我们的正能量是什么？我们年轻，潜力无限，正能量无限。作为一个学生，传递正能量的第一个表现恐怕就是学习，用自己的学习热情感染周围的同学，给老师和家长带来安慰，给自己创造未来。我们是社会的一员，为社会服务

传递正能量更是我们责无旁贷的责任了，扶老奶奶过马路传递爱心，把垃圾捡到垃圾桶保护我们的家园，对给自己盛饭的阿姨说一声谢谢，虽然微小，但足以温暖人心。所以，传递正能量，千万不要“勿以量小而不为”，正能量本身就是小力量的集聚，改变整个社会。

在《因为痛，所以叫青春》这本书了，作者有个很妙的比喻，假如人能活到八十岁，与一天的二十四小时做比例，再拿现在自己的年龄与一天的二十四小时做比例，就能得出十七岁的我们正处在早上的五点二十分！对于我们的一天来说，正是积蓄力量的睡眠时间！同样对于人生来说，我们正青春！这样充满活力，充满潜力的我们不是正能量的传播载体吗？我们享受正能量带给我们的鼓舞，振奋与幸福，又怎么能不加入成为传递的一员呢？只有正青春的我们的加入，才能给这支大军注入新鲜的血液，使它激情四射。

人的一生很长，不管做什么事情，只要不放弃，总会有翻盘的机会，或许成功的早晚不是那么至关重要，关键是要做的漂亮！做，就做到自己的！就像四季的鲜花，季季有自己的韵味，传递着自己的正能量，晚开的梅菊不需要羡慕早开玫瑰的妖娆，而玫瑰也不需要羡慕梅菊的淡雅。我们正青春，正是爱哭爱笑爱闹的年纪，我们拥有别人羡慕不来的活力与激情，是正能量的代言人！

作为新新一代，我们应该用自己的肩膀，担起我们的责任，传递我们的正能量，放飞我们自由飞翔的青春！谢谢！

篇14：小学生精彩励志演讲稿

大家好！

在这个物欲横流的社会，人与人之间的感情逐渐变得陌陌，心变得冰冷。厚厚的墙隔开了人们的心，一些传统的优良品质消失了。

如今，中国人口日益老龄化，老年人的生活条件受到高度重视。然而，随着彭宇案和许云鹤案的发生，越来越多的人害怕帮助老年人。

前段时间，73岁的赵月坤意外摔倒在路边。半小时内，没有行人敢帮他。吕成阳见此情景，连忙扶他回家。卢成阳在老人手机上找到了家里的电话号码，打了过去。一个小时后，老人的女儿到了，把老人带回家。事后家里人提起这件事，老人高兴地说：“这件事已经过去一个星期了，走路还是受影响，但是心里很暖。”原来那天天气很好，老人出去闲逛不小心摔倒了。半个小时，无数人走过，但都远离了，没人敢帮他。“我知道年轻人怕我嫁给他，但我期待有人来扶我起来。”他说。

有人问陆承阳：“你就不怕老头娶你？”他皱起眉头，然后很认真地说：“我老了，人老了，年轻了，年轻了。老人跌倒扶他起来，是尊老爱幼思想的最真实写照；这是中华民族的传统美德；这是我们必须传给后代的正能量。这不仅是道德，也是义务，是我们的责任。”他话音一落，在场的人都响起了雷鸣般的掌声。他的事迹很快在当地传播开来，许多人被他的精神所感动，一股正能量闯入人们的内心。

其实不难发现，社会上很多人都在传递正能量，比如最漂亮的司机吴斌，最漂亮的妈妈吴菊萍，最漂亮的老师张丽丽等等。

在这个快速发展的社会，我们不能失去精神信仰。正能量需要大家分享。也许当你跌倒时，你希望别人帮助你；等你老了，希望有人能在公交车上给你让座；当你丢了东西，你也希望有人来捡钱。

我们都渴望生活在一个阳光温暖的环境中，而不是生活在一个莫莫和冰雪的.空间里。所以，让我们从身边的小事做起，传递正能量，让正能量爆发！

谢谢大家！

篇15：精彩的励志演讲稿

大家早上好!

我今天演讲的题目是《放飞梦想》。

中央电视台著名节目主持人白岩松曾说过：“一个人年轻时的梦想有多大，他的成就才有多大。”梦想就像阶梯，它帮助我向着光明的未来攀登;梦想就像指南针，它帮助我寻找人生的方向。一个人如果没有梦想，就如同小鸟没了翅膀，怎能向美好的未来展翅飞翔?

想起了开学第一课――《我的梦，中国梦》。其中的刘伟、杨梦衡……都讲述了自己实现梦想的经历，令我深受感动，那一句句令人深省的话语，仍在我耳边萦绕。

我今年十二岁，我也有自己的梦想，像泉水流经山谷，像蜂蝶飞过花丛，我的梦想五彩斑斓：我最初的梦想，是想做一名老师，因为妈妈就是一名老师。“春蚕到死丝方尽，蜡炬成灰泪死干”。当我看到汶川地震，那些压在废墟下的人们时，我渴望做一名白衣天使，救死扶伤。后来我爱好写作，我想将来能成为一名作家，写家事、国事、天下事。如今，我的梦想是做一名演讲家，这个梦想就像一粒种子，深深地扎根于我的心中。

老师告诉我：梦想离不开汗水和眼泪，然而要实现这一梦想，就必须脚踏实地，一如既往。梦想还是一种挑战，要有恒心、耐心、智慧，只要坚持，永不放弃，就会梦想成真。

美国当代最著名的作家、演讲家莱斯布朗先生，当有人问起他成功的秘诀时，他指了指左耳上的一个厚茧，语重心长地说：“我初涉演讲界时，一没名气，二没资历，更缺乏个人魅力和经验。可我决心要在这个行业里干出点儿名堂来，不达目的决不罢休。于是，我一天到晚给人打电话，求教演讲技能，联系演讲业务。成名初期，我每天至少打100多个电话，请求别人给我机会到他们那里去演讲……这个老茧就是我获得成功的见证和记录。”

为了实现我的梦想，我坚持每天阅读中外名著，积极参加学校组织的各项活动。回忆自己第一次站在讲台上讲故事时，紧张的我两腿发抖，心脏咚咚直跳。那一次我失败了，我哭了。妈妈说：“失败也是一笔财富，不要气馁。”擦干眼泪，我又开始为梦想努力了。

上课积极回答好每一个问题，放学后我就站在镜子前背古诗，练习表情。我还经常给同学讲故事，让同学给我指缺点。缠着老师和妈妈，请他们为我指导。一份耕耘，一份收获。去年我有幸被评为潍坊市阅读之星，在学校组织的演讲比赛中我还获得了第一名，每一年的六一文艺汇演大家都推选我担任主持人。捧着一个个红红的证书，我知道我又朝梦想前进了一步。

小草，为梦想破土而出;溪流，为梦想勇往直前;雄鹰，为梦想划破长空;我，为梦想不断拼博。我坚信：有志者、事竟成。只要我们自己能坚持不懈的追求，心中有“再往前一点点就到了”的信念。最后，梦想实现的喜悦就会向我们走来!

篇16：两分钟精彩演讲稿励志

老师们，同学们:

早上好！

今天我课前三分钟演讲的题目是《成功在于坚持》。

首先我想与大家分享一个有趣的故事:这个故事发生在古希腊。开学第一天，大哲学家苏格拉底对学生说:“今天咱们只学一件最简单也是最容易做的事。每人把胳膊尽量往前甩。”说着，苏格拉底示范了一遍，并要求学生们从今天开始，每天做300下，学生们都笑了，这么简单的事，有什么做不到的！可过了一个月，苏格拉底再问学生们，能够坚持下来还有90%。又过了一个月，坚持下来的学生只剩下八成。一年后，苏格拉底再一次问大家，这时，整个教室里，只有一人举起了手。这个学生就是后来成为古希腊另一位大哲学家的柏拉图。

这个小故事所蕴含的深刻含意是显而易见的，的确，我们干什么事，要取得成功，坚持不懈的毅力和持之以恒的精神都是必不可少的。成功之路，贵在坚持。谁能坚持到底，谁应能获得成功，众所周知，贝尔发明了电话，可他所做的仅仅是将电话中一个螺母转动了4.1周，而之前的大量工作是由爱迪生等科学家完成的。双方为此走上了法庭，法庭最终将发明权判给贝尔。原因是爱迪生等科学家虽然做了大量工作，但还是放弃了对电话的研究。可贝尔没有放弃，正是那4.1周，使电话有了实际用途，爱迪生等科学家并非没有那个能力，只是在发明电话时缺少了一份坚持，才会与成功擦身而过，有许多伟大成就都正在于一份坚持。

谦虚可以使你永远把自己置于学习的地位，并有助于发现他人的优点。但是，谦虚决不是客套与虚伪;不是遇到工作时的退缩与推委;更不是所谓的深藏不露。如果有机会需要你发挥自己的能力，而你也拥有这样的能力，你必须知难而进，当仁不让，决不能把谦虚作为推卸责任的借口！

九十九度加一度水就开了。开水与温水的在于这一度之差。有些事之所以天壤之别，往往也正因为这一度之差。同学们，当困难拌住你成功脚步的时候;当失败挫伤你进取雄心的时候;当负担压得你喘不过气的时候，不要退缩，不要放弃，一定要坚持下去，因为只有坚持不懈，才能走向成功！

谢谢大家！

篇17：八年级英语励志演讲稿

八年级英语励志演讲稿

Good morning teachers and fellow students:

Youth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind ; it is not rosy cheeks , red lips and supple knees, it is a matter of the emotions : it is the freshness ; it is the freshness of the deep springs of life .

Youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite , for adventure over the love of ease. This often exists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . Nobody grows old merely by a number of years . We grow old by deserting our ideals.

Years wrinkle the skin , but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul . Worry , fear , self distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust .

Whether 60 of 26 , there is in every human being ?s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing childlike appetite of what?s next and the joy of the game of living . In the center of your heart and my heart there?s a wireless station : so long as it receives messages of beauty , hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young .

When the aerials are down , and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you are grown old ,even at 20 , but as long as your aerials are up ,to catch waves of optimism , there is hope you may die young at 80.

Thank you!

篇18：八年级励志的演讲稿

曾经沧海难为水除却巫山不是云。

的确如此，干新闻这行十二年了，随遇而安的感觉越来越强烈。原先，看到身边不少朋友有的被提拔，有的考上了公务员，还有的还混了个县太爷、副局长之类的乌纱帽，偶尔还有些释然。慢慢地，也就习以为常了。不过，我心底还是明白，在这样，人就颓废了。

新一轮全省公开招考选拔副县级领导干部，我所在的这个城市提供了十个职位。由于年年招考，真正缺少人手的部办委局该提拔的都提拔了，该招考的也招考了，实在没有什么好职位了。但省里有任务，市里只得把两所职业技术学院的副院长、副校长、信访局、侨联、文联等单位的副职拿出来招考。虽然这些职位并不吸引人，抱着试一试，打破自己目前这种颓废状态的想法，我还是报了名。

笔试前夕，恰好我的同事要休假，我得天天给他代班，加上考试没有归定范围，一下子让我在忙乱中有些茫然而没有方向。虽然如此，但我还是抓紧时间跑了几趟新华书店，想去淘一淘有什么合适的资料。同时拜访了了几位有过考试经历的朋友，听听他们的经验介绍。紧张了一阵子之后，我发觉自己竟慢慢放松下来。我相信自己参加工作十二年的积累应当可以小试牛刀了。

9月28日，细雨霏霏的日子，笔试如期举行。我所报考的职位有19人竞争，十个职位共204人报名。考题很多，14个页码，答题时间180分钟。前面两道题是判断和选择题，共15分，大都是些行政法律法规、哲学、历史等综合知识，虽然大多数题目都是是而非，但来不及多想，我很快就把它们搞定。我知道后面的简答、论述和材料分析和申论，才是自己的强项，应该把时间和精力放在它们身上。有了这种心态，原先还有些忐忑不安的心终于慢慢地平复而安宁。我不得不说，这些专家教授所出的题目十分高明：试题所给的材料紧贴时事，把握热点，所考的理论与个人综合素养蕴含其中。灵活而不呆板，生动而严谨。真可谓是与时俱进，又彰显考生的个性思维，又与当前中心工作丝丝入扣。阅读、分析、思考、动笔。按照这个节奏来答题，我感到了几分从容……

两天后，笔试成绩揭晓。在19名竞争对手中，我位居第三。可谓是意料之外又在意料之中。

应该说，面试我准备得比较充分，不仅在网络上收集了大量的资料，又下载了一些面试的视屏进行观摩。同时，我还请了一些朋友借了一家酒店的会议室，进行了一个模拟面试。听取了许多朋友的意见。最后，我给自己一个定位：面试回答问题一定要有个性，要精彩，要有亮点。这也是朋友们对我的忠告和期待。有了这些心理准备后，我从骨子里感觉到一份难得的自信，仿佛一切都是我的囊中之物了。

10月18号下午，进入面试的考生被封闭在一家酒店的三楼。手机被收走，房间网络、电视、电话全部被切断，连吃饭也是送到房间里来吃。同室的考友戏说我们被“双规”了，那一夜真是度日如年啊。第二天六点起床过早，七点半赶到考场面试。一到考点，我们又被封闭起来。楼下还开来了无线电侦测车，据说是为了防止舞弊。气氛很是有几分紧张。排队抽签确定面试顺序，我抽到了四号。

时间在等待中一分分的流走。随着入场的临近，我发觉自己心跳得特别厉害。看见几位女生在倒退着步子进行放送和调整，我暗自吸了一口凉气，和她们交流起来。对话之间，她们坦然地告诉我，都是第三次、第四次参加这样的考试了。其中，有一位七七年出生的女生，竟然从二零零年就开始考起，今年已经是她第七次参加副县级干部招考。她说：经历多了，一切就习以为常了，劝我不要紧张，也不要想的太多，特别不要对自己期望值很高，往往期望越大失望越多。

看来，我的对手都是些久经沙场的老将，他们的经验丰富得很。不过，我还是有些不以为然，在我骨子里，我不太相信经验的说法，我一向相信自信来自实力。

终于轮到我了。坐在椅子上的一刹那，看到面前七位陌生而严肃的考官，我感觉到人一下子似乎失忆了，思维也停滞下来。在主考官念题目的时候，我迅速的调整自己的情绪，思维终于调到了“回答问题一定要有个性，要精彩，要有亮点”的状态上来了。第一个题目并不是很难：结合实际，分析如何以人为本，用科学发展观的方法来解决当前的一些老百姓关心的民生问题。一下子我的思维里跳出：住房难、上学难、就医难、就业难等词汇。简单的提纲之后，我开始答题。渐渐地，我发觉自己的情绪被调动起来，按照平日新闻人的思维，放开了谈，可以称得上是旁征博引了，但骨子里绝对是夸夸其谈。刚开始，考官们觉得我的思路不同于他人，很新颖，脸上还有些笑容，可可慢慢我发觉他们变得严肃起来，我的心一下子没有了底。就在这个时候，主考官宣布时间到，接过我还没有答完。。。。。。

上午结构化面试过后，我心中有了一种不祥的预感。

下午的无领导小组讨论面试环节，我决定吸取上午放开了谈的教训，结果表现得中规中矩，最终排在第四名。这个成绩，意味着，我已经出局了。走出考场，神情有些恍惚。我实在是弄不明白，题目并不是很难，为什么没有发挥出自己的应有水平呢?心里不由得抱怨考官的中庸与教条，识不得我这样的英才。

失望之时，感觉到有人拍了拍我的肩膀。定睛一看，原来是我所报考职位的那家单位的一位老领导。听见老领导口中连称可惜可惜，我连忙向他讨教。这位慈祥而仁厚老领导说：你还是输在了经验不足上啊，这么重要的考试，上午你应该中规中矩，答要点就可以了，不需要发挥，而下午得环节你应该发挥时却又中规中矩。人生，很多时侯赢在心态和经验。最后一句，老领导语重心长。

听了这句话，我仿佛有所思，打开已经关闭了两天的手机，一条昨天好友发来的短信跳了出来：老兄，用平静的心态迎接明天的面试，不要过多考虑结果，把它只是当做一次锻炼自己，展示自己的机会。我终于明白那位考了七次的女生的忠告：不要对自己期望值很高，往往期望越大失望越多……

人生赢在心态和经验。很久了，这句话依旧在我心底翻腾。

篇19：励志精彩的五分钟演讲稿

Hi!Everyone!大家晚上好!愿今晚能给你们带来一段美好的回忆!

我先做一个简单的自我介绍：我来自江南影视的表演系，我的名字叫做张黎，张开的“张”，黎明的“黎”，张开双臂,拥抱黎明。

Ok!在演讲的开始我要告诉各位三个秘密，希望你们可以仔细地听进去。

First，虽然我可能没有资格这么说，但我还是要说，我要代表无锡全体市民欢迎各位来到江南影视。 Second，我是这样安排我的演说的：好的在前，更好的其次，最好的放在最后面。所以你们都应该坚持到最后一刻，因为那样你们都能得到最美好的东西。你们说好吗?

Finally，我想告诉你们：I very very love your!我愿意毫无保留地将自己的所知分享给各位，愿你们可以做的更好!那各位说，你们要不要坚持到最后一刻呢?

在这块场地上我看了不下十次的演出，但是令我寒心的是，每次演出常常是开场的一次掌声，中间的几次零星掌声，结束时的人早已散光，我们很多人不会给站在舞台的人鼓掌，我们很多人不喜欢认同别人，其实你鼓掌的态度就决定了你人格成功的标准。鼓掌是为别人喝彩，也是为自己加油，也体现了你的素质，我相信各位都是有修养的人，你们一定会给我最多的鼓励和最好的配合的，我们一定会共同完成一场精彩和令人难忘的演讲的，你们说是吗?

Ok!行动是最好的证明，当我说“哦”的时候，你们就说“yes”!

今天的开场真是太完美了，所以我要带给你们更精彩的过程!

如果人生要被分成很多个阶段，那么大学就是一个新的开始，如果你要问我怎样才可以使你的大学可以过得更加美好，那么我的答

案就是不断地采取有效的行动。

《圣经》里有这样一个故事：

有一天，一个有两个儿子的父亲对大儿子说：“儿啊，你今天到我的葡萄园去工作。”

“我不去，我不想工作。”老大回答说。

老大拒绝听父亲的话，就走开了。过了一会儿，他坐下想了想，就懊悔自己的行为。他想：“我错了，我不该违背父亲。我虽然说不去，可是我还是应该到葡萄园工作的。”

他立刻起身到葡萄园去，使劲地工作，藉以弥补他的过失。

这时，父亲又去找小儿子，对他说同样的话：“儿啊!你今天到我的葡萄园去工作。”

小儿子一口答应：“我去，父亲。我这就去。”

可是过了一会儿，小儿子想：“我是说过我去，可是我并不想去!你以为我会在父亲的葡萄园工作吗?才不呢。”

过了几个钟头，父亲到葡萄园去看看。不料，竟发现老大在园里拼命地工作，却不见小儿子的踪影。

我问各位：“这两个儿子，哪一个照父亲的意思做了呢?”

是的，是大儿子。

没错!这个故事告诉我们：行胜于言，只要采取积极有效的行动，才能实现人生的目标。也许你们在没有进入大学之前定了很多的计划，也有很多的美好的梦想，但无论我们做什么事，有什么好的想法，或者立了什么誓言，只有采取行动，我们才能通过自己的积极行动去创造我们想要的一切。

我从来不认为自己是一个天才，但我就是一个能积极行动的人。也许你们早有听说：大学里的社团很多，也可以很好的展现自己，提高自己，可是会行动的却很少，但是我是会积极行动的人，当我有了想法要建社团的时候，我就立刻去做了，两个星期的时间，我几乎跑遍了江影所有的房间，当然除了女卫生间之外，终于在江影我建立属于自己的社团，我给它起了一个好听的名字：叫做乐乐团!推荐一下：有兴趣的同学可以加入!

我知道我们刚开始不够好，但是我相信行动会带来改变，终于我们在一年时间里已经完成了四场专场演出，从批评不断到赞誉一片我们借助的是积极的行动的力量，据我所知在我来这里的一年中乐乐团是江影社团中举办演出场次最多的社团!

为了提高我的演讲能力，我主动到那些我没有到过的公园里去，主动找那些我不认识的人们，把他们集合起来，听我的演讲，使自己更快地进步。我知道这需要很大的勇气，也很难，但我知道行动会带来改变!

所有的结果都是由行动造成的，采取什么样的行动，将会导致什么样的结果。你要想获取什么样的成果，你必须采取什么样的行动。

在大学里面要不要好好学习啊?!好好学习要不要交学费，那不好好学习呢?既然好好学习和不好好学习都要交学费，你觉得好好学习好不好?yes还是no?但是铁杵要磨成针，我们就应该功夫下得——深!所以我们应该马上行动，从大一就可以好好学习，yesorno?

当你参加一个比赛，有几种结果啊?一种获得了名次，一种失败了，你说赢了好不好?Yes!那输了呢?No!No就no了呗，反正不参加什么也没有，输了不还获得了很多经验，认识了很多人，还可以结交到朋友，你说这样好不好?所以一定要马上行动，因为马上行动了就一切可能，yesorno?

朋友们!我做今天的演讲有几种结果呢?一种能给你们带来启迪和帮助?这样好不好，yesorno?还有一种就是没有给你们带来帮助，这样yesorno?那你说我要不要行动，当然要行动，成功了就能给你们带来帮助，分享我的知识，使你们进步，这是我一直所追求的，当然要去做的!可失败了，我还有脸在江影混下去吗?有什么关系，谁能随随便便成功呢?不经历风雨怎见彩虹呢?(歌曲：《阳光总在风雨后》)即使失败了也能提高我的演讲能力，还能让你们认识一下靓靓的张黎，你们说这样要不要行动啊?可是我明年再做好不好?不好!所以我应该马上行动!

来江影你们是为了什么结果呢?实现你们的梦想，或者简单些说就是学知识为了将来能赚钱!我们的人生是不是都想要一个好的——结果呢?锻炼身体是为了健康的——结果，化妆为了美丽——结果!为了得到结果我们就应该行动!可是结果有好有坏，但是不行动是不是什么结果也没有啊?

举个例子吧。我只是假设哦，有一个你很喜欢的女孩，可是她又漂亮，又有内涵，而你长得一般，也没有钱，虽然你一眼就钟情了她，可是她却一眼也没看过你，你说要不要去追，要不要行动啊?可是行动了有几种情况呢?一种是同意了，看来那个女孩子想要绿叶来衬托，一种就是no!看来还是要撒泡尿照照自己!当然你可以这样安慰自己：哎!她真没福气了，像我这种外表平平，未来有巨大发展潜力的人她竟然不要，让她将来同学聚会时握着我的手说：后悔当初没下手吧!第三种情况呢?得到的答案是：我妈妈叫我不要和陌生人随便说话，但是看你这么主动，我们可以相处看看!朋友们，你们发现没有，其实你们去追了

只有第一种是失败的，其它两种都是成功的，所以你们要不要行动啊?俗话说：过了这村儿——没这店儿，为了防止她这朵鲜花插在别的牛粪上，你说你要不要马上行动?

演讲到现在，我一直在观察一个女孩，因为我觉得她听我的演讲很认真，为了感谢她，我真的好想过去拥抱她一下啊?但是我怕她拒绝耶。你们说我要不要去啊?去了有几种结果?一种yes!既然同意了那就抱呗!一种no!虽然幼小的心灵难以接受，但是她本来就不属于你的嘛，也不应该抱!那你们说我应该行动了，可是我现在不做等以后还有没有机会?不一定，为了确保可能，我是不是应该现在就去做呢?所以我应该马上行动!我一直都是一个相信群众的人，所以我决定现在就去表达我的感谢!

我最喜欢的事情就是看书，但是没有运用那些知识的行动你们觉得看那些书有意义吗?其实知识本身是没有价值的，只是把它运用到实践当中，价值才会体现出来。换一句话说，生活不会因为你能做什么而给你回报，生活因为你做了什么而给你回报!所以一定别忘了行动。

有一位成功者，许多人问他：

“你这么成功，曾经遇到过困难吗?”

“当然”他说。

“当你遇到困难时如何处理?”

“马上行动”他说。

“当你遇到经济上或其他方面的重大压力时呢?”

“马上行动”他说。

“在婚姻感情上遇到挫折或沟通不良的话?”

“马上行动”他还是说。

“你在人生过程中遇到困难都这么处理吗?”

他还是说……没错，他只有一个答案：马上行动!

我想演讲到现在可以和各位分享我励志演讲的口号了，不知道还有没有人记得那个口号和四个动作呢?我们一起来寻找一下那时的回忆(放原来的演讲声音)。你一定很好奇为什么有那么多人笑是吗?今天我也把那个动作带来了你们想不想学呢?

学弟学妹们，大学很精彩，但是并不代表你的大学就很精彩，所以为过好这三年、四年或者五年，你们必须要：马上行动!

当你有想法时，要告诉自己——马上行动，于是你去做——一切可能;

当你有困难时，要告诉自己——马上行动，于是困难被你克服——一切可能;

当你不开心时，要告诉自己——马上行动，于是变得积极——一切可能;

当你想放弃时，要告诉自己——马上行动，于是你又重点激-情——一切可能;

当你有目标时，要告诉自己——马上行动，于是目标可以变成现实——一切可能;

当你发现鲜花的时候，即使你是牛粪，也要告诉自己——马上行动，于是鲜花真的插在了你这坨牛粪上——一切可能!

Ok!今天我带来一个好东西来，有请我助手把它拿上来，一个装水的罐子，还有一些装罐子的鹅卵石(我把石头全放到罐子里然后问他们)，请问各位：“你们说，这罐子是不是满的?”

(“是氨所有人都齐声说道。)

“是的吗?”(我笑着问，然后我在再从桌底下拿出一袋碎石子，把碎石子从罐口倒下去，摇一摇，再加一些，再问他们)：“各位，你们说，这罐子现在是不是满的呢?”

(这回他们的回答已不再那么快：“不是的。”)

“ok!Verygood!”(我说完之后，又从桌下面拿出一袋沙子，慢慢地倒进了罐子里。倒完之后又继续问他们)：“现在你们再告诉我，这个罐子是满的吗?”

(“没有满!”他们似乎更有信心地回答。)

“好极了!”(我又从桌底拿出一大瓶水，把水倒进看起来已经被鹅卵石、碎石、沙子填满的罐子。) (当这些事做完之后，我开始正色地发问)：“你从事上面这些事中学到了什么呢?”

(一位同学回答道：“无论我们学习多忙，工作多累，行程排的多满，如果要逼一下的话，还是有很多的时间的，还是可以做很多的事的!”)

“ok!你真是太棒了，我想你说的是关于时间管理的吧!但是这并不是我要告诉你们的重要信息!”

(说到这里，我故意停顿一下，用眼睛扫视他们一遍说)：“我要告诉各位的重要信息是，如果你不先将大的鹅卵石放进罐子里去，你也许以后就永远没有机会再把他们放进去了!”

朋友们人生很短暂，你们可曾知道我们大部分人已经度过了四分之一的人生，我们应该趁着有限的时间做更多的事情。

问各位一个问题：你相信你的时间是无限的，长生不老，所以你最想做的事，可以无限延期?

你们相信吗?(不)

但是我们却常说，等我大三了，我就可以做那件事情了;等我拥有完善的知识，我才可以去竞争那个岗位;登我毕业了才可以去做那个工作;等我有钱了，我才能去追那个女孩;等我老了，要去环游世界;等我退休，就要去做想做的事情 等孩子长大了，我就可以……我们都以为自己有无限的时间与精力。难道你还真的认为到那时还有机会做哪些事情吗?学弟学妹们，大学是干什么的呢?毫无疑问，首先就是学知识，没错你可以说：我现在要好好的享受我大学时光，多出去转转，多和朋友聚聚，反正以后工作了还有机会再学习，大学不用太累。

那我现在来问一下前排的老师，你觉得现在还有像我们一样的宽裕的时间来好好的学习一样东西吗?

你们觉得我们现在最应放进去这个罐子的大鹅卵石是什么呢?就是好好的学习。你们还能再来一次童年吗?还能再来一次初中吗?不要让自己总在无尽的后悔中的遗憾;不要等到覆水难收时才知道改变;不要再说：我要是在高中努力些，就可以去更好的学校了，过去的就永远过去了，不要再想它——把握今天才是最重要的，让我们一起马上——行动!从现在就开始好好学习，好吗?

下面跟着我一起来念(歌曲：《奋斗》彭羚)：

我的大学只有一次，我的大学我做主，我要珍惜每一天，尽力去学好每一样东西，也许我会错过很多玩乐的机会，但我将得到幸福的

Ok!如果我没有记错的话，刚才我放进去了五个大的鹅卵石，现在我要把它拿出来，假如这五个鹅卵石已经变成了打开你生命之门的宝石，他们分别代表着财富、兴趣、幸福、荣誉、成功，再做一个美妙假设：你已经成为了比尔?盖茨，那么我想现在你一定已经拥有了那五颗宝石：财富、兴趣、幸福、荣誉、成功，但是我不得不说，你并没有一下子就拿到这五颗宝石，刚开始你只拿到了一颗，但是慢慢的你就打开了你的成功的人生之门，也拿到了其它的四颗，那么我要问各位你最先拿到了哪一颗宝石才能获得其它四颗宝石呢?

“兴趣!幸福!……”

Ok!其实这是美国内华达州的麦迪逊中学在考试时出的一道题目，我经过了改编，也许你们的答案会有很多种，究竟哪一颗宝石我们最应该先拿到呢?我认为没有标准答案，适合你的便是正确的。但是，有趣的是，比尔?盖茨给这个学校的亲自回了一封信函。函件上只有一句话：在你最感兴趣的事物上，隐藏着你人生的秘密。

人生，为此我选择在大学时奋斗!

★ 关于励志国旗下的讲话

★ 励志国旗下讲话

★ 国旗下讲话高考励志

★ 感恩励志教育大会校长讲话稿

★ 励志演讲开场白主持词

★ 2022初中毕业励志演讲稿

★ 迎接高三备战高考班会202

★ 初三励志主题国旗下讲话

★ 国旗下讲话初中励志

★ 有关励志国旗下的讲话

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