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马丁路德金我有一个梦想演讲稿「英文」

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马丁路德金我有一个梦想演讲稿「英文」

篇1：马丁路德金我有一个梦想演讲稿「英文」

马丁路德金我有一个梦想演讲稿「英文」

I have a dream

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.

My country, ’ tis of thee,

Sweet land of liberty,

Of thee I sing:

Land where my fathers died,

Land of the pilgrims’ pride,

From every mountainside

Let freedom ring.

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York!

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi!

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”

篇2：马丁路德金我有一个梦想演讲稿

I Have a Dream (Martin Luther King)

我有一个梦想 (马丁路德金)

......I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

……今天，我对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管此时的困难与挫折，我们仍然有个梦，这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.

我有一个梦：有一天，这个国家将站起来，并实现它的信条的真正含义：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，即所有的人都生来平等。”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

我有一个梦：有一天，在乔治亚州的红色山丘上，从前奴隶的子孙们和从前奴隶主的子孙们将能像兄弟般地坐在同一桌旁。

I have a dream that one day, even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

我有一个梦：有一天，甚至密西西比州，一个有着不公正和压迫的热浪袭人的荒漠之州，将改造成自由和公正的绿洲。

I have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!

我有一个梦：我的4个小孩将有一天生活在一个国度里，在那里，人们不是从他们的肤色，而是从他们的品格来评价他们。今天我有一个梦想!

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers; I have a dream today.

我有一个梦：有一天，阿拉巴马州将变成这样一个地方，那里黑人小男孩、小女孩可以和白人小男孩、小女孩，像兄弟姐妹一样手牵手并肩而行。今天我有一个梦想。

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places shall be made plain, and the crooked places shall be made straight and the glory of the Lord will be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

我有一个梦：有一天，每一个峡谷将升高，每一座山丘和高峰被削低，崎岖粗糙的地方改造成平原，弯弯曲曲的地方变得笔直，上帝的荣耀得以展露，全人类都将举目共睹。

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to go to jail together, knowing that we will be free one day.

这是我们的希望，这是信念，带着这个信念我回到南方，怀着这个信念我们将能从绝望之山中开采出一块希望之石。怀着这个信念，我们将能把我们国家的刺耳的不和音，转变成一曲优美动听的兄弟情谊交响曲。怀着这个信念，我们将能工作在一起，祈祷在一起，奋斗在一起，一起赴监狱，一起为自由而挺住。因为我们知道，有一天我们将获自由。

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning-“my country 'tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing; land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride; from every mountain side, let freedom ring”-and if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

将会有一天，那时，所有上帝的孩子们将能以新的含义高唱：我的祖国，你是自由的乐土。我为你歌唱：我的先辈的安葬之地，让自由的声音，响彻每一道山岗。

So let freedom ring -- from the prodigious hill tops of New Hampshire, let freedom ring; from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring -- from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

如果说美国是一个伟大的国家，这必须要成真。因此，让自由的声音从新罕布什尔州巨大的山巅响起吧。让自由的声音从纽约州巍巍群山响起吧，让自由的声音从宾夕法尼亚州阿拉根尼高原响起吧!

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

让自由的声音从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山脉响起吧!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

让自由的声音从加利福尼亚婀娜多姿的山峰上响起吧!

But not only that.Let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia.

但不仅如此，还让自由之声从乔治亚州的石峰上响起吧!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

让自由之声从田纳西州的观景峰响起吧!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.

让自由之声从密西西比州的每一道山丘响起吧!在每一道山坡上，让自由之声响起吧!

篇3：马丁路德金我有一个梦想演讲稿

When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children - black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants - will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last.”

当我们让自由之声响彻之时，当我们让它从每一座村庄，从每一个州和每一座城市响起时，我们将能加速这一天的到来，那时，所有上帝的孩子们，黑人和白人，犹太人和异教徒们，基督徒和天主教徒们，将能手挽手，以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱; “终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了!”

篇4：马丁路德金我有一个梦想演讲稿中文

马丁路德金我有一个梦想演讲稿中文

我有一个梦想

一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

然而一百年后的今天，黑人还没有得到自由，一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个贫困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的.。我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的;人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，阿拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有着一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能够与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由;因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。

在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：“我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山冈。”

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来!让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起!让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落矶山响起来!让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来!不仅如此，还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来!让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!让自由之声从密西西比州的每一座丘陵响起来!让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。

当我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太人和非犹太人，新教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦!”

篇5：马丁路德金我有一个梦想读后感

一天，我读了马丁・路德・金写的演讲稿――《我有一个梦想》

这篇演讲稿可称得上是我见过的写的最好的一片演讲稿，我的妈妈告诉我，这篇演讲稿曾经轰动了整个美国，马丁・路德・金也随之轰动了整个美国。我从这篇演讲稿上感觉到，马丁・路德・金是一个充满了正义的人，他希望他的国家能振兴起来，希望黑人不再被白人所压迫，希望白人能与黑人和睦相处，希望在大家在生活的时候不再用自己皮肤的差异来判定自己的卑贱。希望黑人能自由。

这篇演讲稿里，每一个字都流露出马丁・路德・金对黑人自由的渴望；每一个字都流露出马丁・路德・金对奴隶主与奴隶能在同一片蓝天下生活的期望；每一个字都流露出马丁・路德・金对黑人与白人情同骨肉携手并进的希望。

马丁・路德・金的演讲稿《我有一个梦想》让我体会到了当时美国政府对黑人的不平等待遇。他那激情的演讲震撼了一个又一个的白人与黑人；那铿锵有力的声音唤醒了人们那沉睡多年的良心；那一浪接一浪的掌声给人们留下了永不磨灭的回忆……

篇6：马丁路德金-我有一个梦想的中英文演讲稿

马丁路德金_我有一个梦想(中英文)演讲稿

I have a Dream

by Martin Luther King, Jr.

Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh

from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning

My country, 'tis of thee,

Sweet land of liberty,

of thee I sing:

Land where my fathers died,

Land of the pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside,

Let freedom ring.

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free

at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”

100年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

然而100年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。100年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。100年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

就某种意义而言，今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时，曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言，他们承诺给予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剥夺的权利。

就有色公民而论，美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务，只是给黑人开了一张空头支票，支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产，我们不相信，在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现——这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义的保障。

我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国，现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候，现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候，现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来，置于兄弟情谊的磐石上的时候。

如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心，那么，这对美国来说，将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来，黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。1963年并不意味着斗争的结束，而是开始。有人希望，黑人只要撒撒气就会满足；如果国家安之若素，毫无反应，这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的权利，美国就不可能有安宁或平静，正义的光明的一天不到来，叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。

但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们，有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中，我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须永远举止得体，纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。

现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的'战斗精神，但是能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到，他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的，他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。

当我们行动时，我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人，“你们什么时候才能满足？”

只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害，我们就绝不会满足。

只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所，我们就绝不会满足。

只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区，我们就绝不会满足。

只要密西西比仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举，只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事，我们就绝不会满足。不！我们现在并不满足，我们将来也不满足，除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛，汹涌澎湃，滚滚而来。我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到亚拉巴马去，回到南卡罗来纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不克自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想，这个梦想是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天、我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。

我今天有一个梦想。我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降；坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。

有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由；因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。

在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：“我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山岗。”

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨的崇山峻岭响起来！让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来！”

让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山响起来！让自白之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来！不仅如此，还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来！让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来！

让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来！让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。

当我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦！终于自由啦！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦！”

THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS

葛底斯堡演讲词

by Abraham Lincoln --亚伯拉罕.林肯

八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且献身给一种理念，即所有人都是生来平等的。

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

当前，我们正在从事一次伟大的内战，我们在考验，究竟这个国家，或任何一个有这种主张和这种信仰的国家，是否能长久存在。我们在那次战争的一个伟大的战场上集会。我们来到这里，奉献那个战场上的一部分土地，作为在此地为那个国家的生存而牺牲了自己生命的人的永久眠息之所。我们这样做，是十分合情合理的。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

可是，就更深一层意义而言，我们是无从奉献这片土地的--无从使它成为圣地--也不能把它变为人们景仰之所。那些在这里战斗的勇士，活着的和死去的，已使这块土地神圣化了，远非我们的菲薄能力所能左右。世人会不大注意，更不会长久记得我们在此地所说的话，然而他们将永远忘不了这些人在这里所做的事。相反，我们活着的人应该献身于那些曾在此作战的人们所英勇推动而尚未完成的工作。我们应该在此献身于我们面前所留存的伟大工作--由于他们的光荣牺牲，我们要更坚定地致力于他们曾作最后全部贡献的那个事业--我们在此立志宣誓，不能让他们白白死去--要使这个国家在上帝的庇佑之下，得到新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致从地球上消失。

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate-we cannot consecrate-we cannot hallow-this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion-that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain-that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom-and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

我有一个梦想演讲稿(中英文)

马丁·路德·金《I have a dream》演讲全文

I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. 今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.

1前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。

This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴， It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not

free. 然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of

discrimination.100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。

One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.

100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。 One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. 100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。

And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. 从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。 When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence,我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时， they were signing a promissory note to which

every American was to fall heir.

就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。

This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” 这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。 Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。 But we refus

e to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。

We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. 我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。

And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the

security of justice.因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.

我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。

This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. 现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。

Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.现在是实现民主诺言的时候。

Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。 Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。

Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。 This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate

discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。

Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. 1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。

And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。

And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. 在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。

The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice:但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。

In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。

篇7：马丁路德金我有一个梦想读后感作文

读完《我有一个梦想》，我觉得非常的激动。这样震撼人心，激励斗志，充分论理，洋溢热情，坚定信念，逻辑严密的演讲很少见。不论从思想性和艺术性上都可称得上极品。

他的演讲，揭露问题一针见血，毫不隐晦，明明白白。你看：“一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。”

他的演讲，提出斗争的目的要求十分的清楚和坚定。他说：“现在有人问热心民权运动的人，‘你们什么时候才能满足 ’

他的演讲，对前途充满激情和希望。他说：“如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来?让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起来!

我觉的马丁路德金的梦想不只是美国黑人的梦想，实际也是世界人民共同的梦想。他不愧获得诺贝尔和平奖。他不应该只属于美国人民，也应该属于中国人民，属于世界人民。

篇8：马丁路德金我有一个梦想读后感作文

今天，我读了马丁·路德·金写的演讲稿——《我有一个梦想》

这篇演讲稿可称得上是我见过的写的最好的一片演讲稿，我的妈妈告诉我，这篇演讲稿曾经轰动了整个美国，马丁·路德·金也随之轰动了整个美国。我从这篇演讲稿上感觉到，马丁·路德·金是一个充满了正义的人，他希望他的国家能振兴起来，希望黑人不再被白人所压迫，希望白人能与黑人和睦相处，希望在大家在生活的时候不再用自己皮肤的差异来判定自己的卑贱。希望黑人能自由。

这篇演讲稿里，每一个字都流露出马丁·路德·金对黑人自由的渴望;每一个字都流露出马丁·路德·金对奴隶主与奴隶能在同一片蓝天下生活的期望;每一个字都流露出马丁·路德·金对黑人与白人情同骨肉携手并进的希望。

马丁·路德·金的演讲稿《我有一个梦想》让我体会到了当时美国政府对黑人的不平等待遇。他那激情的演讲震撼了一个又一个的白人与黑人;那铿锵有力的声音唤醒了人们那沉睡多年的良心;那一浪接一浪的掌声给人们留下了永不磨灭的回忆……

马丁·路德·金的《我有一个梦想》这个演讲，不但给了人们永不磨灭的回忆，还让人们发现了自己对黑人的不公。现在，在去美国，再也不会看见白人对黑人投去蔑视的眼神了，真正地达到了马丁·路德·金所希望的那样“昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。”世界又变成了和平的时期。

篇9：马丁路德金我有一个梦想读后感作文

读到我有一个梦想，我对此文非常崇敬。这样震撼人心，激励斗志，充分论理，洋溢热情，坚定信念，逻辑严密的演讲很少见。不论从思想性和艺术性上都可称得上极品。

他的演讲，揭露问题一针见血，毫不隐晦，明明白白。你看：“一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流-亡者。”

他的演讲，提出斗争的目的要求十分的清楚和坚定。他说：“现在有人问热心民权运动的人，‘你们什么时候才能满足 ’

只要黑人仍然遭受警-察难以形容的野蛮迫-害，我们就绝不会满足。只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所，我们就绝不会满足。

只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区，我们就绝不会满足。

只要密西西比仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举，只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事，我们就绝不会满足。

不!我们现在并不满足，我们将来也不满足，除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛。

他的演讲，对前途充满激-情和希望。他说：“如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起来!

让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的洛基山响起来!让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来不仅如此，还要让自由之声从乔治亚州的石嶙响起来让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!

让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。

当我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的.所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：‘终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦!’”

马丁路德金的梦想不只是美国黑人的梦想，实际也是世界人民共同的梦想。他不愧获得诺贝尔和平奖。他不应该只属于美国人民，也应该属于中国人民，属于世界人民。

篇10：马丁路德金我有一个梦想读后感作文

他的演讲，提出斗争的目的要求十分的清楚和坚定。他说：“现在有人问热心民权运动的人，‘你们什么时候才能满足 ’

只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害，我们就绝不会满足。只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所，我们就绝不会满足。只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区，我们就绝不会满足。

只要密西西比仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举，只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事，我们就绝不会满足。

不!我们现在并不满足，我们将来也不满足，除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛。

让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的洛基山响起来!让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来?不仅如此，还要让自由之声从乔治亚州的石嶙响起来?让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!

让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来?让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。

当我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：‘终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦!’”

篇11：马丁路德金的演讲我有一个梦想

让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的;人人生而平等。”

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.

我今天有一个梦想。

I have a dream today.

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

I have a dream today.

This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.

My country, ’ tis of thee,

Sweet land of liberty,

Of thee I sing:

Land where my fathers died,

Land of the pilgrims’ pride,From every mountainside

Let freedom ring.

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由的钟声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由的钟声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来!让自由的钟声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起!让自由的钟声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落矶山响起来!让自由的钟声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来!不仅如此，还要让自由的钟声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来!让自由的钟声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!让自由的钟声从密西西比州的每一座丘陵响起来!让自由的钟声从每一片山坡响起来。

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York!

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi!

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

当我们让自由钟声响起来，让自由钟声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太人和非犹太人，新教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦!”

马丁·路德·金人生轨迹

早年求学

马丁·路德·金，将“非暴力”和“直接行动”作为社会变革方法的最为突出的倡导者之一。1920xx年1月15日，马丁·路德·金出生在佐治亚州的亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。马丁·路德·金是牧师亚当·丹尼尔·威廉姆斯的外孙，威廉姆斯是埃比尼泽浸信会的牧师和全国有色人种协进会亚特兰大分会的发起人;马丁·路德·金是老马丁·路德·金的儿子，老马丁·路德·金继承父亲威廉姆斯成了埃比尼泽的牧师，母亲是教师。马丁·路德·金的家族发源于非洲裔美国人的浸信会。15岁时聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，在结束亚特兰大莫尔浩司学院的学业后，获得文学学士学位。马丁·路德·金又在宾夕法尼亚州的克劳泽神学院和波士顿大学就读，1951年他又获得柯罗泽神学院学士学位，1955年他从波士顿大学获得神学博士学位。在学习中，马丁·路德·金加深了对神学的认识并探究圣雄甘地在社会改革方面的非暴力策略。

前期运动

1953年，马丁·路德·金和柯瑞塔·斯科特结婚。第二年，他在阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利的德克斯特大街浸信会当了一名牧师。1955年，他获得了系统神学的博士学位。

1955年12月5日，由于有一位黑人妇女不给白人让座，被判蹲监狱2年，所以民权积极分子罗莎·帕克斯拒绝遵从蒙哥马利公车上的种族隔离政策，在此之后，黑人居民发起了对公共汽车抵制运动并选举金作他们新形式下蒙格马利权利促进协会的领头人。公共汽车抵制运动在 1956 年持续一年，马丁·路德·金因其领导地位而名声大噪。 1956 年12 月，美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州的种族隔离法律违反宪法，蒙哥马利市公车上的种族隔离规定也被废除。

为了寻求蒙哥马利胜利后的进一步发展，马丁·路德·金和其他的南部黑人领袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教领袖会议。1959年，马丁·路德·金到印度游历并进一步发展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底，马丁·路德·金辞去了德克斯特的职务并返回亚特兰大，和他的父亲共同成为一名埃比尼泽浸信会牧师。

1960年，黑人大学生们揭起了入座抗议的浪潮，这促进了学生非暴力协调委员会的形成。马丁·路德·金支持学生运动，并对创建南方基督教领袖会议的青年分部表现出兴趣。学生激进分子很钦慕他，但他们不满于马丁·路德·金自上而下的领导作风，进而决定取得自治。作为学生非暴力协调委员会的顾问，曾经担任过南方基督教领袖会议副主管的埃拉·贝克向其他民权组织代表阐明，学生非暴力协调委员会将仍是一个学生领导的组织。1961年“自由乘车运动”中，马丁·路德·金由于拒绝参加活动而受到批评，加剧了他同青年激进分子的紧张关系。南方基督教领袖会议和学生非暴力协调委员会之间的矛盾在1961年和1962年的奥尔巴尼运动中继续着。

发展壮大

1963 年4月12日，马丁·路德·金和南方基督教领袖会议领导人在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰领导了大规模群众示威游行。金博士本人当天被捕。他在狱中写作了《来自伯明翰监狱的书简》。书简中，他阐述了美国民权运动的初衷、期望和梦想，批驳了对民权运动的种种指责。1963年夏天，当沙特尔沃思牧师在白宫会见美国总统肯尼迪时，他说：“没有伯明翰，我们今天不可能坐在这里。”此地以白人警方强烈反对种族融合而著称。徒手的黑人示威者与装备着警犬和消防水枪的警察之间的冲突，作为报纸头条新闻遍及世界各地。总统肯尼迪对伯明翰的抗议做出了回应，他向国会提出放宽民权立法的要求，这促成了 1964 年民权法案的通过。稍后，在 1963年8月28日，群众示威行动在“华盛顿工作与自由游行”的运动过程中达到高潮，此次示威运动中有超过二十五万的抗议者聚集在华盛顿特区。在林肯纪念馆的台阶上，马丁·路德·金发表了“我有一个梦想”的著名演讲。

人生高潮

马丁·路德·金的声望随着1963 年成为时代周刊的年度人物和 1964 年获得诺贝尔和平奖而持续上升。然而，除了名气和赞美，运动内部领导层也出现了矛盾。马尔科姆·艾克斯的正当防卫和黑人民族主义理念引起了北方的共鸣，城市黑人的作用力超过了金为非暴力所作的号召。同时，金还要面对“黑人权力”运动发起人斯托克利·卡迈克尔的公开批评。

20xx年8日28日，马丁·路德·金的纪念雕像在华盛顿国家广场揭幕。在此前，只有华盛顿、杰弗逊、林肯和罗斯福等几位美国历史上著名的总统在这里立有纪念塑像,马丁·路德·金是第一位生前作为社会批评家的平民政治人物被在此加以纪念，也是第一位非洲裔政治领袖的纪念物，其意义非同一般。为何他能赢得和这几位著名总统并列的声望地位?正是他以和平抗争维护了《独立宣言》和《联邦宪章》自由平等民主正义的基本价值观，使他和这几位总统一样，为美国人民广泛推崇而享誉美国历史。

遭遇刺杀

1967年城市种族间暴力升级，美国联邦调查局主管埃德加·胡佛则趁机加强了破坏金领导力的全面努力。加之金对美国介入越南战争的公开批评，使得他与林登·约翰逊政府关系紧张。

1967年12月，马丁·路德·金发起了意在对抗经济问题的穷人运动，这项活动并没有得到早期民权革新运动者的支持。其后一年，在支持孟菲斯清洁工人的罢工中，他发表了最后演讲“我已到达顶峰”。1968年4月4日晚在田纳西州孟菲斯市洛林汽车旅店二层被种族主义分子暗杀，终年39岁。

篇12：马丁路德金的演讲我有一个梦想

我有一个梦想，一个关于警察的梦想……

我梦想天空已然湛蓝干净,白天有云彩朵朵，夜间有星光满空;

我梦想人们见到警察就不再惧怕邪恶的力量;

我梦想所有的警察都能象《无间道》中那样对干涉依法办案的人说“对不起，我是警察!”

我梦想有一天，袭警这个罪名能够正式出台，从此再没有人敢打骂警察;

我梦想有一天，警察的工资能真正的长上去，每个警察都能买得起一台属于自己的小汽车，而不用再去买二手的破车;

我梦想警察退休后有一百万的退休金;

我梦想有一天，每个当警察的人都不是为了找一个稳定的工作而穿上警服，而是真的想当一名光荣的人民警察;

我梦想有一天，可以在家陪着父母看春晚，可以在每个假日都陪着我的家人共享天伦之乐;

我梦想有一天，所有的局长都可以像任长霞那样做一个好局长;

我梦想有一天，领导职位不再有明码标价，提干不再与金钱和关系挂钩，而是用着自己的能力与成绩来衡量;

我梦想有一天，好警察都能当领导，而劣迹累累的警察都将被开除出公安队伍;

我梦想有一天，当我们再因正常执行公务而被恶意投诉的时候，有一个领导为我们做主，还我们一个清白的同时，还要还我们一个公道，让我们不会流血流汗又流泪。

我梦想有一天，每个警察都愿意配枪，都会在该出手的时候果断的开枪而不顾虑开枪之后带来的一次又一次的调查;

我梦想再也没有人好意思有开门、没时间买饭之类的事就拨打110;

我梦想所有善良的人越来越多，需要证人的时候，每个在场的人都不再有所顾虑，而勇敢的站出来作证;

我梦想感谢警察的锦旗从公安局的内墙一直挂到外墙都挂不完;

我梦想所有的女孩都愿意嫁给警察做老婆，不是因为好奇或是警察稳定的公务员身份，而是警察的正义感和上进心!

我梦想脱下警服、换上便装的警察，仍然记得自己是一名警察;

我梦想有一天，警察这个行业中不再有牺牲，再也听不到兄弟牺牲的噩耗;

我梦想有一天，所有的兄弟酒后举着酒杯，都不再有控制不住的委屈的泪水;

我梦想有一天，当我们老到要脱下这身穿了一辈子的警服的时候，都会泪光盈盈：我无愧这身警服，我无愧我一生最爱的公安事业;

我梦想今晚，每个警察都能安心的睡一个好觉，不会再在家里的电话响起的时候，一个骨碌爬起来“你好，这里是XX派出所，有话请讲!”

我梦想明天可以放假一天，每个警察都可以奢侈的睡一个懒觉;

我梦想所有的兄弟都不要对警察这个职业绝望，抬起头，一切都会好起来的;

我梦想自己以后有一个可爱的小儿子，他也和他老爸一样,有当警察的情结与梦想;

我有一个梦想，一个关于警察的梦想……

篇13：马丁路德金的演讲：我有一个梦想（中英文版）

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “for whites only.” We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification” -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; “and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to he

今天，我高兴的同大家一起参加这次将成为我国历史上为争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

1前，一位伟大的美国人--今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下--签署了《解放黑奴宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

然而100年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。100年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。100年后的今天，黑人仍然蜷缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于世。

就某种意义而言，今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时，曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言，他们承诺所有人--不论白人还是黑人--都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

就有色公民而论，美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务，只是给黑人开了一张空头支票，支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产，我们不相信，在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现——这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义保障。

如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心，那么，这对美国来说，将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来，黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。1963年并不意味着斗争的结束，而是开始。有人希望，黑人只要撒撒气就会满足；如果国家安之若素，毫无反应，这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的基本权利，美国就不可能有安宁或平静，正义的光明的一天不到来，叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。

现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神，但是不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到，他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的，他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。

当我们行动时，我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人，“你们什么时候才能满足？”

只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害，我们就绝不会满足。

只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所，我们就绝不会满足。

只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区，我们就绝不会满足。

只要我们的孩子被“仅限白人”的标语剥夺自我和尊严，我们就绝不会满足。

只要密西西比州仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举，只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事，我们就绝不会满足。

不！我们现在并不满足，我们将来也不满足，除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛，汹涌澎湃，滚滚而来。

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到亚拉巴马去，回到南卡罗来纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不可自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种.种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想，这个梦想深深扎根于美国的梦想之中。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为真理是不言而喻，人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。

今天，我有一个梦想。我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

今天，我有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降；坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由；因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现！

让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨的崇山峻岭响起来！

让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来！

让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼山响起来！

让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山响起来！

让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来！

不仅如此，还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来！

让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来！

让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来！

让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来！

当我们让自由之声响起，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：

“自由啦！自由啦！感谢全能上帝，我们终于自由啦！”

篇14：我有一个梦想演讲稿英文

我有一个梦想演讲稿英文

马丁路德金演讲稿我有一个梦想(英文版)

演讲时间：1963年8月27日

演讲地点：林肯纪念堂前

I have a dream

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.

My country, ’ tis of thee,

Sweet land of liberty,

Of thee I sing:

Land where my fathers died,

Land of the pilgrims’ pride,

From every mountainside

Let freedom ring.

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York!

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi!

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

篇15：《我有一个梦想》英文演讲稿

《我有一个梦想》英文演讲稿

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds”. But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “For Whites Only”. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

篇16：我有一个梦想优秀英文演讲稿

我有一个梦想优秀英文演讲稿

i am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.

but one hundred years later, the negro still is not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languished in the corners of american society and finds himself an exile in his own land. so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

in a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. when the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the constitution and the declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every american was to fall heir. this note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds”. but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. so we have come to cash this check ― a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. we have also come to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. now is the time to make justice a reality for all of god's children.

it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. this sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. those who hope that the negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. there will be neither rest nor tranquility in america until the negro is granted his citizenship rights. the whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. we cannot walk alone.

as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. we cannot turn back. there are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “when will you be satisfied?” we can never be satisfied as long as the negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. we can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “for whites only”. we cannot be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

篇17：我有一个梦想英文演讲稿作文

I have a dream, I hope the school dining-room can provide us better food. I don’t think you will ask me why, I think we have the same idea!

Long long ago, I want to have lunch with Frank Liu(classmate) on Saturday. We saw few people buy the beef noodle, so we decided to buy that. Then we went to the counter and bought two bowls. I was very surprised to see that there were only three small pieces of beef in my noodle and five in Frank Liu’s. I asked the seller to give us more, but we failed. I asked the seller three times. At last, he gave Frank Liu two pieces.

I was shocked. Then I began to complain about this wick world . I promised that I wouldn’t eat beef noodle any more.

At that time, I had that dream.

Yesterday, I went to lunch with Frank Liu again. This time, we saw no people buy the beef noodle, it was very unusual, and so I bought one. Too my surprised, there were more than six big pieces of beef in my noodle. “What a lucky day!!” I said to myself.

I was very happy, because my dream had come true. But few minutes later, I felt worried again: maybe three days later, there will be three small pieces of beef in the noodle for the second time.

我有一个梦想英文演讲稿作文